AI transcript
The following is a conversation with Charan Ranganath, a psychologist and neuroscientist
at UC Davis, specializing in human memory. He’s the author of Why We Remember,
Unlocking Memory’s Power to Hold On to What Matters.
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And now, dear friends, here’s Charon Ranganath.
Danny Conwin describes the experiencing self and the remembering self. And that happiness
and satisfaction you gain from the outcomes of your decisions do not come from what you’ve
experienced, but rather from what you remember of the experience. So can you speak to this
interesting difference that you write about in your book of the experiencing self and the
remembering self? Danny really impacted me because I was an undergrad at Berkeley and
I got to take a class from him long before he won the Nobel Prize or anything. And it was just a
mind-blowing class. But this idea of the remembering self and the experiencing self, I got into it
because it’s so much about memory, even though he doesn’t study memory. So we’re right now having
this experience, right? And people can watch it presumably on YouTube or listen to it on audio.
But if you’re talking to somebody else, you could probably describe this whole thing in 10 minutes.
But that’s going to miss a lot of what actually happened. And so the idea there is that the way
we remember things is not the replay of the experience. It’s something totally different.
And it tends to be biased by the beginning and the end. And he talks about the peaks. And there’s
also the best parts, the worst parts, et cetera. And those are the things that we remember. And so
when we make decisions, we usually consult memory. And we feel like our memory is a record of what
we’ve experienced, but it’s not. It’s this kind of very biased sample, but it’s biased in an
interesting and I think biologically relevant way. So in the way we construct a narrative
about our past, you say that it gives us an illusion of stability. Can you explain that?
Basically, I think that a lot of learning in the brain is driven towards being able to make sense.
I mean, really, memory is all about the present and the future. Past is done. So biologically
speaking, it’s not important unless there’s something from the past that’s useful. And so what
our brains are really optimized for is to learn about the stuff from the past that’s going to be
most useful in understanding the present and predicting the future. And so cause-effect
relationships, for instance. That’s a big one. Now, my future is completely unpredictable
in the sense that you could, in the next 10 minutes, pull a knife on me and slip my throat,
right? I was planning on it. Exactly. But having seeds of your work and just generally my expectations
about life, I’m not expecting that. I have a certainty that everything’s going to be fine.
We’re going to have a great time talking today, right? But we’re often right. It’s like, okay,
so I go to see a band on stage. I know they’re going to make me wait. The show’s going to start
laying. Then they come on. There’s a very good chance there’s going to be an encore. I have a
memory, so to speak, for that event before I’ve even walked into the show. There’s going to be
people holding up their camera phones, try to take videos of it now because this is the world we
live in. That’s like everyday fortune telling that we do, though. It’s not real. It’s imagined.
It’s amazing that we have this capability, and that’s what memory is about.
But it can also give us this illusion that we know everything that’s about to happen.
I think what’s valuable about that illusion is when it’s broken, it gives us the information,
right? I’m sure being in AI, you know, about information theory, and the idea is the information
is what you didn’t already have. Those prediction errors that we make based on memory, and the
errors are where the action is. The error is where the learning happens. Exactly. Exactly.
Well, just to linger on Danny Kahneman and just this whole idea of experiencing self versus
remembering self, I was hoping you can give a simple answer of how we should live life.
Based on the fact that our memories could be a source of happiness, or could be the primary
source of happiness, that an event when experienced bears its fruits the most when it’s remembered
over and over and over and over. Maybe there is some wisdom in the fact that we can control to
some degree how we remember it, how we evolve our memory of it, such that it can maximize
the long-term happiness of that repeated experience.
Okay. Well, first, I’ll say I wish I could take you on the road with me because that was such a
great description. Can I be your opening actor? Oh, my God. No, I’m going to open for you, dude.
Otherwise, it’s like everybody leaves after you’re done.
Believe me, I did that in Columbus, Ohio once. It wasn’t fun. The opening acts drank our bar tab.
We spent all this money going all the way there. Everybody left after the opening acts were done,
and there was just that stoner dude with the dreadlocks hanging out. And then next to you,
we blew our savings on getting a hotel room. So we should, as a small tangent, you’re a legit
touring act. When I was in grad school, I played in a band. And yeah, we traveled. We would play
shows. It wasn’t like we were in a hardcore touring band, but we did some touring and had some fun
times. And yeah, we did a movie soundtrack. Nice. Henry Portrait of Serial Killer. So that’s a good
movie. We were on the soundtrack for the sequel, Henry II, Mask of Sanity, which is a terrible
movie. Yeah. How’s the soundtrack? It’s pretty good. It’s badass. At least that one part where the
guy throws up the milkshake. It’s my song. We’re going to have to see it. We’re going to have to
see it. All right, we’re getting back to life advice. And happiness, yeah. One thing that I try
to live by, especially nowadays, and since I wrote the book, I’ve been thinking more and more about
this is, how do I want to live a memorable life? I think if we go back to the pandemic,
how many people have memories from that period, aside from the trauma of being locked up and
seeing people die and all this stuff? I think it’s like one of these things where we were stuck
inside looking at screens all day, doing the same thing with the same people. And so I don’t
remember much from that in terms of those good memories that you’re talking about. When I was
growing up, my parents worked really hard for us and we went on some vacations, but not very often.
And I really try to do now vacations to interesting places as much as possible with my family,
because those are the things that you remember. So I really do think about
what’s going to be something that’s memorable and then just do it, even if it’s a pain in the
ass, because the experiencing self will suffer for that, but the remembering self will be like,
“Yes, I’m so glad I did that.” Do things that are very unpleasant in the moment,
because those can be reframed and enjoyed for many years to come. That’s probably
good advice or at least when you’re going through shit, it’s a good way to see the silver lining
of it. Yeah, I think it’s one of these things where if you have people who you’ve gone through,
since you said it, I’ll just say, since you’ve gone through shit with someone, and it’s like,
that’s a bonding experience often. I mean, that can really bring you together.
I like to say it’s like there’s no point in suffering unless you get a story out of that.
So in the book, I talk about the power of the way we communicate with others and how that
shapes our memories. And so I had this near-death experience, at least that’s how I remember it,
on this paddle board, where just everything they could have gone wrong did go wrong almost.
So many mistakes were made and ended up at some point just like basically
away from my board, pinned in a current like in this corner, like not a super good swimmer,
and my friend who came with me, Randy, who’s a computational neuroscientist, and he had just
been pushed down past me and so he couldn’t even see me. And I’m just like, if I die here,
I mean, no one’s around. It’s like you just die alone. And so I just said, well, failure is not
an option. And eventually, I got out of it and froze and got cut up. And I mean, the things that
we were going through were just insane. But a short version of this is, you know, my wife
and my daughter and Randy’s wife, they gave us all sorts of hell about this because they were
just like, where are we? They were ready to send out a search party. So they were giving me hell
about it. And then I started to tell people in my lab about this and then friends. And
it just became a better and better story every time. And we actually had some photos of
just the crazy things like this generator that was hanging over the water and were like ducking
under the zinger, these metal gratings, and I’m like going flat. And it was just nuts, you know.
But it became a great story. And it was definitely, I mean, Randy and I were already tight, but that
was a real bonding experience for us. And yeah, I mean, and I learned from that that it’s like,
I don’t look back on that enough, actually. Because I think we often, at least for me,
I don’t necessarily have the confidence to think that things will work out that I’ll be able to
get through a certain thing. But my ability to actually get something done in that moment
is better than I give myself credit for, I think. And that was the lesson of that story that I
really took away. Well, actually, just for me, you’re making me realize now that it’s not just
those kinds of stories, but even things like periods of depression or really low points.
To me, at least it feels like a motivating thing that the darker it gets, the better the story
will be if you emerge on the other side. That to me feels like a motivating thing. So maybe if
people listening to this and they’re going through some shit, as we said, one thing
that could be a source of light is that it’ll be a hell of a good story when it’s all over,
when you emerge on the other side. Let me ask you about decisions. You’ve already talked about it
a little bit, but when we face the world and we’re making different decisions,
how much does our memory come into play? Is it the kind of narratives that we’ve
constructed about the world that are used to make predictions that’s fundamentally part
of the decision making? Absolutely. Yeah. So let’s say after this, you and I decided we’re
going to go for a beer, right? How do you choose where to go? You’re probably going to be like,
oh, yeah, this new bar opened up near me at a great time there. They had a great beer selection,
or you might say, oh, we went to this place and it was totally crowded and they’re playing this
horrible EDM or whatever. So right there, valuable source of information, right? And then you have
these things like where you do this counterfactual stuff like, well, I did this previously, but what
if I had gone somewhere else instead? Maybe I’ll go to this other place because I didn’t try it
the previous time. So there’s all that kind of reasoning that goes into it too. I think,
even if you think about the big decisions in life, right? It’s like you and I were talking
before we started recording about how I got into memory research and you got into AI. And it’s like
we all have these personal reasons that guide us in these particular directions. And some of it’s
the environment and random factors in life. And some of it is memories of things that we want to
overcome or things that we build on in a positive way, but either way, they define us.
And probably the earlier in life, the memories happen, the more defining, the more defining
power they have in terms of determining who we become. I mean, I do feel like adolescence is
much more important than I think people give credit for. I think that there is this kind of a sense
like the first three years of life is the most important part. But the teenage years are just
so important for the brain. And so that’s where a lot of mental illness starts to emerge.
Now we’re thinking of things like schizophrenia as a neurodevelopmental disorder, because it just
emerges during that period of adolescence and early adulthood. And I think the other part
of it is that I guess I was a little bit too firm in saying that memory determines who we are. It’s
really the self as an evolving construct. I think we kind of underestimate that. And when you’re
a parent, you feel like every decision you make is consequential in forming this child and plays
a role. But so do the child’s peers. And so do there’s so much. I mean, that’s why I think
the big part of education I think that’s so important is not the content you learn. I mean,
think of how much dumb stuff we learned in school, right? But a lot of it is learning
how to get along with people and learning who you are and how you function. And that can be
terribly traumatizing even if you have perfect parents working on you.
Is there some insight into the human brain that explains why we don’t seem to remember anything
from the first few years of life? Yeah. Yeah. In fact, actually, I was just talking to my
really good friend and colleague, Simona Getty, who studies the neuroscience of child development.
And so we were talking about this. And so there are a bunch of reasons, I would say. So one reason
is there’s an area of the brain called the hippocampus, which is very, very important for
remembering events or episodic memory. And so the first two years of life, there’s a period called
infantile amnesia. And then the next couple of years of life after that, there’s a period called
childhood amnesia. And the difference is that basically in the lab and even during childhood
and afterwards, children basically don’t have any episodic memories for those first two years.
The next two years, it’s very fragmentary. And that’s why they call it childhood amnesia. So
there’s some, but it’s not mine. So one reason is that the hippocampus is taking some time to develop.
But another is the neocortex. So the whole folded stuff of gray matter all around the hippocampus
is developing so rapidly and changing. And a child’s knowledge of the world is just massively
being built up. So I’m going to probably embarrass myself, but it’s like, if you
showed like you trained a neural network and you give it the first couple of patterns or something
like that, and then you bombard it with another year’s worth of data, try to get back those first
couple of patterns, right? It’s like everything changes. And so the brain is so plastic. The
cortex is so plastic during that time. And we think that memories for events are very distributed
across the brain. So imagine you’re trying to get back that pattern of activity that happened
during this one moment. But the roads that you would take to get there have been completely
rerouted, right? So I think that’s my best explanation. The third explanation is a child’s
sense of self takes a while to develop. And so their experience of learning might be more learning
what happened as opposed to having this first person experience of “I remember, I was there.”
Well, I think somebody once said to me that kind of loosely, philosophically, that the reason we
don’t remember the first few years of life, infantile amnesia, is because how traumatic it is.
Basically, the error rate that you mentioned, when your brain’s prediction doesn’t match reality,
the error rate in the first few years of life, your first few months, certainly,
is probably crazy high. It’s just nonstop freaking out. The collision between your model of the
world and how the world works is just so high that you want whatever the trauma of that is,
not to linger around. I always thought that’s an interesting idea because just imagine the insanity
of what’s happening in a human brain in the first couple of years. You don’t know anything.
And there’s just this stream of knowledge, and given how plastic everything is,
it just molds and figures it out. But it’s like an insane waterfall of information.
I wouldn’t necessarily describe it as a trauma. We can get into this whole stages of life thing,
which I just love. Basically, those first few years, think about it. A kid’s
internal model of their body is changing. It’s like just learning to move. If you ever have a baby,
you’ll know that the first three months, they’re discovering their toes. It’s just nuts.
Everything is changing. But what’s really fascinating is, and I think this is not at all
me being a scientist, but it’s like one of those things that people talk about when they talk about
the positive aspects of children is that they’re exceptionally curious, and they have this kind
of openness towards the world. And so that prediction error is not a negative traumatic
thing. I think it’s like a very positive thing because it’s what they use that they’re seeking
information. One of the areas that I’m very interested in is the prefrontal cortex. It’s an
area of the brain that, I mean, I could talk all day about it, but it helps us use our knowledge
to say, “Hey, this is what I want to do now. This is my goal, so this is how I’m going to
achieve it,” and focus everything towards that goal. The prefrontal cortex takes forever to
develop in humans. The connections are still being tweaked and reformed into late adolescence,
early adulthood, which is when you tend to see mental illness pop up. It’s being massively
reformed. Then you have about 10 years maybe of prime functioning of the prefrontal cortex,
and then it starts going down again, and you end up being older, and you start losing all
that frontal function. So look at this, and you’d say, “Okay, you’ve sitting around episodic memory
talks,” and always say, “Children are worse than adults at episodic memory. Older adults are worse
than young adults at episodic memory,” and I always say, “God, this is so weird. Why would we have
this period of time that’s so short when we’re perfect or optimal?” I like to use the word
“optimal” now because there’s such a culture of optimization right now. I have to redefine what
optimal is because for most of the human condition, I think we had a series of stages of life where
you have basically adults saying, “Okay, young adults,” saying, “I’ve got a child, and I’m part of
this village, and I have to hunt and forage and get things done. I need a prefrontal cortex so
I can stay focused on the big picture and the long-haul goals.” Now, I’m a child. I’m in this
village. I’m kind of wandering around, and I’ve got some safety, and I need to learn about this
culture because I know so little. What’s the best way to do that? Let’s explore. I don’t want to be
constrained by goals as much. I want to really be free, play and explore and learn. You don’t want a
super tight prefrontal cortex. You don’t even know what the goals should be yet. If you’re trying to
design a model that’s based on a bad goal, it’s not going to work well. Then you go late in life,
and you say, “Why don’t you have a great prefrontal cortex then?” If you go back and you think,
“How many species actually stick around naturally long after their child-bearing years are over,
after reproductive years are over?” Menopause, from what I understand, menopause is not all that
common in the animal world. Why would that happen? I saw Alison Gopnik said something about this,
so I started to look into this, about this idea that really, when you’re older in most societies,
your job is no longer to form new episodic memories. It’s to pass on the memories that you
already have, this knowledge about the world, what we call semantic memory, to pass on that
semantic memory to the younger generations, to pass on the culture. Even now in indigenous cultures,
that’s the role of the elders. They’re respected. They’re not seen as people who are pasted and
losing it. I thought that was a very poignant thing, that memory is doing what it’s supposed to
throughout these stages of life. It is always optimal in a sense. It’s just optimal for that
stage of life. For the ecology of the system, I looked into this and it’s like another species
that has menopause is orcas. Orcopods are led by the grandmothers. It’s not the young adults,
not the parents or whatever, the grandmothers. They’re the ones that pass on the traditions
to the younger generation orcas. If you look from what little I understand, different orcopods
have different traditions. They hunt for different things. They have different play traditions.
That’s a culture. In social animals, evolution, I think, is designing brains that are really
around. It’s obviously optimized for the individual, but also for kin. I think that the kin are part
of this, when they’re a part of this intense social group, the brain development should parallel
that the nature of the ecology. It’s just fascinating to think of the individual orca or human
throughout its life in stages doing a kind of optimal wisdom development. In the early days,
you don’t even know what the goal is. You figure out the goal and you optimize for that goal and
you pursue that goal. Then all the wisdom you collect through that, then you share with the
others in the system with the other individuals. As a collective, then you kind of converge towards
greater wisdom throughout the generation. In that sense, it’s optimal. Us humans and orcas
got something going on. It works. Oh, yeah. Apex predators.
I just got a megalon tooth. Speaking of apex predators, just imagine the size of that thing.
Anyway, how does the brain forget and how and why does it remember? Maybe some of the mechanisms.
You mentioned the hippocampus. What are the different components involved here?
We could think about this on a number of levels. Maybe I’ll give you the simplest version first,
which is we tend to think of memories as these individual things and we can just access them
maybe a little bit like photos on your phone or something like that.
In the brain, the way it works is you have this distributed pool of neurons and
the memories are kind of shared across different pools of neurons. What you have is competition,
where sometimes memories that overlap can be fighting against each other.
Sometimes we forget because that competition just wipes things out. Sometimes we forget because
there aren’t the biological signals, which you can get into. I would promote long-term retention.
Lots of times we forget because we can’t find the queue that sends us back to the right memory,
and we need the right queue to be able to activate it. For instance, in a neural network,
you wouldn’t go and you’d say, “This is the memory.” The whole ecosystem of memories
is in the weights of the neural network. In fact, you could extract entirely new memories,
depending on how you feed. You have to have the right query, the right prompt,
to access that whatever the part you’re looking for.
That’s exactly right. In humans, you have this more complex set of ways memory works.
As I said, the knowledge or what you call semantic memory, and then there’s these
memories for specific events, which we call episodic memory. There’s different pieces
of the puzzle that require different kinds of queues. That’s a big part of it too,
is just this kind of what we call retrieval failure.
You mentioned episodic memory, you mentioned semantic memory,
what are the different separations here? What’s working memory, short-term memory,
long-term memory? What are the interesting categories of memory?
Yeah. Memory researchers, we love to cut things up and say, “Is memory one thing or is it two
things?” There’s two things, there’s three things. One of the things that there’s value in that,
and especially experimental value in terms of being able to dissect things,
and the real world is all connected. Speak to your question, working memory,
it was a term that was coined by Alan Battley. It’s basically thought to be this ability to
keep information online in your mind right in front of you at a given time, and to be able
to control the flow of that information, to choose what information is relevant,
to be able to manipulate it, and so forth. One of the things that Alan did that was quite brilliant
was he said, “There’s this ability to passively store information, see things in your mind’s eye,
or hear your internal monologue, but we have that ability to keep information in mind.”
But then we also have this separate, what he called a central executive, which is identified a lot
with the prefrontal cortex. It’s this ability to control the flow of information that’s being
kept active based on what it is you’re doing. Now, a lot of my early work was basically saying
that this working memory, which some memory researchers would call short-term memory,
is not at all independent from long-term memory. That is that a lot of executive function requires
learning, and you have to have like synaptic change for that to happen. But there’s also transient
forms of memory. One of the things I’ve been getting into lately is the idea that we form
internal models of events. The obvious one that I always use is birthday parties. As you go to
a child’s birthday party, once the cake comes out and you just see a candle, you can predict the whole
frame set of events that happens later. Up till that point where the child blows out the candle,
you have an internal model in your head of what’s going on. If you follow people’s eyes,
it’s not actually on what’s happening. It’s going where the action’s about to happen,
which is just fascinating. You have this internal model and that’s a kind of a working memory product.
It’s something that you’re keeping online that’s allowing you to interpret this world around you.
Now, to build that model, though, you need to pull out stuff from your general knowledge of
the world, which is what we call semantic memory. Then you’d want to be able to pull out memories
for specific events that happened in the past, which we call episodic memory. In a way, they’re
all connected even though it’s different. The things that we’re focusing on and the way we
organize information in the present, which is working memory, will play a big role in determining
how we remember that information later, which people typically call long-term memory.
So if you have something like a birthday party and you’ve been to many before,
you’re going to load that from disk into working memory, this model, and then you’re mostly operating
on the model. If it’s a new task, you don’t have a model, so you’re more in the data collection.
Yes, one of the fascinating things that we’ve been studying, and we’re not at all the first
to do this, Jeff Sachs was a big pioneer in this, and I’ve been working with many other people,
Ken Norman, Leila Devachi, or Columbia has done some interesting stuff with this,
as this idea that we form these internal models at particular points of high prediction error,
or points of, I believe, also points of uncertainty, points of surprise, or motivationally significant
periods, and those points are when it’s maximally optimal to encode an episodic memory. So I used
to think, “Oh, well, we’re just encoding episodic memories constantly.” But think about how much
redundancy there is in all that. It’s just a lot of information that you don’t need.
But if you capture an episodic memory at the point of maximum uncertainty for the singular
experience, it’s only going to happen once, but if you capture it at the point of maximum
uncertainty or maximum surprise, you have the most useful point in your experience that you’ve grabbed,
and what we see is that the hippocampus and these other networks that are involved in
generating these internal models of events, they show a heightened period of connectivity,
or correlated activity, during those breaks between different events, which we call event
boundaries. These are the points where you’re surprised, or you cross from one room to another,
and so forth, and that communication is associated with a bump of activity in the hippocampus and
better memory. And so if people have a very good internal model throughout that event,
you don’t need to do much memory processing here in a predictive mode. And so then, at these event
boundaries, you encode, and then you retrieve and you’re like, “Okay, wait a minute, what’s going on
here?” Branganath’s now talking about orcas, what’s going on, and maybe you have to go back and
remember reading my book to pull out the episodic memory to make sense of whatever it is I’m babbling
about. And so there’s this beautiful dynamics that you can see in the brain of these different
networks that are coming together and then de-affiliating at different points in time
that are allowing you to go into these modes. And so to speak to your original question,
to some extent, when we’re talking about semantic memory and episodic memory and working memory,
you can think about it as these processes that are unfolding as these networks come together
and pull apart. Can memory be trained and improved? This beautiful connected system that you’ve
described, what aspect of it is a mechanism that can be improved through training?
I think improvement, it depends on what your definition of optimal is. So what I say in the
book is that you don’t want to remember more, you want to remember better, which means focusing
on the things that are important. And that’s what our brains are designed to do.
So if you go back to the earliest quantitative studies of memory by Ebbinghaus, what you see
is that he was trying so hard to memorize this arbitrary nonsense. And within a day,
he lost about 60% of that information. And he was basically using a very, very generous way
of measuring it. So as far as we know, nobody has managed to violate those basics of having people
forget most of their experiences. So if your expectation is that you should remember everything
and that’s what your optimal is, you’re already off because this is just not what human brains
are designed to do. On the other hand, what we see over and over again is that the brain does,
basically, one of the cool things about the design of the brain is it’s always less is more.
I’ve seen estimates that the human brain uses something like 12 to 20 watts in a day. I mean,
that’s just nuts, the low power consumption, right? So it’s all about reusing information
and making the most of what we already have. And so that’s why, basically, again, what you see
biologically is neuromodulators, for instance, these chemicals in the brain like norepinephrine,
dopamine, serotonin, these are chemicals that are released during moments that tend to be
biologically significant, surprise, fear, stress, et cetera. And so these chemicals
promote lasting plasticity, right? Essentially, some mechanisms by which the brain can prioritize
the information that you carry with you into the future. Attention is a big factor as well,
our ability to focus our attention on what’s important. And so there’s different schools of
thought on training attention, for instance. So one of my colleagues, Amishi Ja, she wrote a
book called Peak Mind and talks about mindfulness as a method for improving attention and focus.
So she works a lot with military like Navy SEALs and stuff to do this kind of work
with mindfulness meditation. Adam Ghazali, in other words, my friends and colleagues,
has worked on kind of training through video games actually as a way of training attention. And so
it’s not clear to me, you know, one of the challenges though in training is you tend to
overfit to the thing that you’re trying to optimize, right? So you tend to, if I’m looking at a video
game, I can definitely get better at paying attention in the context of the video game,
but you transfer it to the outside world. That’s very controversial.
The implication there is that attention is a fundamental component of remembering something,
allocating attention to it. And then attention might be something that you could train,
how you allocate attention and how you hold attention on a thing.
I can say that in fact, we do in certain ways, right? So if you are an expert in something,
you are training attention. So we did this one study of expertise in the brain. And
people used to think, let’s say if you’re a bird expert or something, right? People will go like,
if you get really into this world of birds, you start to see the differences in your visual
cortex is tuned up and it’s all about plasticity of the visual cortex. And vision researchers
love to say everything’s visual. But it’s like, we did this study of attention and working memory
and expertise. And one of the things that surprised us were the biggest effects as people became
experts in identifying these different kinds of just crazy objects that we made up.
As they developed this expertise of being able to identify what made them different from each
other and what made them unique, we were actually seeing massive increases in activity in the
prefrontal cortex. And this fits with some of the studies of chest experts and so forth that
it’s not so much that you learn the patterns passively, you learn what to look for, you learn
what’s important, what’s not, right? And you can see this in any kind of expert professional athlete,
they’re looking three steps ahead of where they’re supposed to be. So that’s a kind of a training of
attention. And those are also what you’d call expert memory skills. So if you take the memory
athletes, I know that’s something we’re both interested in. So these are people who train in
these competitions and they’ll memorize like a deck of cards in like a really short amount of time.
There’s a great memory athlete, her name I think is pronounced Yenya Wintressol.
So I think she’s got like a giant Instagram following. And so she had this YouTube video
that went viral where she had memorized an entire Ikea catalog, right? And so how do people do this?
By all accounts, from people who become memory athletes, they weren’t born with some extraordinary
memory. But they practice strategies over and over and over again. The strategy that they use
for memorizing a particular thing, it can become automatic and you can just deploy it in an instant,
right? So again, it’s not necessarily going to, one strategy for learning the order of a deck of
cards might not help you for something else that you need like, you know, remembering your way around
Austin, Texas. But it’s going to be these, whatever you’re interested in, you can optimize for that.
And that’s just a natural byproduct of expertise.
There’s certain hacks. There’s something called the memory palace that I played with. I don’t
know if you’re familiar with that whole technique. And it works. It’s interesting. So another thing
I recommend for people a lot is I use Anki a lot every day. It’s an app that does spaced repetition.
So I think medical students and like students use this a lot to remember a lot of different things.
Oh yeah. Okay. We can come back to this. But yeah, sure. It’s the whole concept of space repetition.
You just, when the thing is fresh, you kind of have to remind yourself of it a lot. And then
over time, you can wait a week, a month, a year before you have to recall the thing again. And
that way, you essentially have something like note cards that you can have tens of thousands of
and can only spend 30 minutes a day and actually be refreshing all of that information, all that
knowledge. It’s really great. And then for a memory palace is a technique that allows you
to remember things like the IKEA catalog or by placing them visually in a place that you’re
really familiar with. Like I’m really familiar with this place. So I can put numbers or facts or
whatever you want to remember. You can walk along that little palace and it reminds you.
It’s cool. Like there’s stuff like that that I think athletes, memory athletes could use,
but I think also regular people can use. One of the things I have to solve for myself is how
to remember names. I’m horrible at it. I think it’s because when people introduce themselves,
I have the social anxiety of the interaction where I’m like, I know I should be remembering that,
but I’m freaking out internally about social interaction in general. And so,
therefore, I forget immediately. So I’m looking for good tricks for that.
I feel like we’ve got a lot in common because when people introduce themselves to me, it’s almost
like I have this blank blackout for a moment and then I’m just looking at them like, what happened?
I look away or something. What’s wrong with me? I’m totally with you on this.
The reason why it’s hard is that there’s no reason we should be able to remember names
because when you say remembering a name, you’re not really remembering a name. Maybe in my case,
you are. But most of the time, you’re associating a name with a face and an identity. And that’s a
completely arbitrary thing. Maybe in the olden days, somebody named Miller, it’s like they’re
actually making flour or something like that. But for the most part, it’s like these names are
just utterly arbitrary. So you have no thing to latch onto. And so it’s not really a thing that
our brain does very well to learn meaningless arbitrary stuff. So what you need to do is build
connections somehow, visualize a connection. And sometimes it’s obvious, or sometimes it’s not.
I’m trying to think of a good one for you now. But the first thing I think of is Lex Luthor.
Because doesn’t Lex Luthor wear a suit, I think? I know he has a shaved head, though,
or he’s bald, which you’re not. You’ve got a great head if I trade hair with you any day.
But something like that. But if I can come up with something, I could say, okay, so Lex Luthor
is this criminal mastermind, and I just imagine you. We talked about stabbing or whatever earlier.
Yeah, exactly. So I’m just kind of connected, and that’s it. Yeah, yeah. But I’m serious,
though, that these kinds of weird associations, now I’m building a richer network. I mean,
one of the things that I find is if you can have somebody’s name that’s just totally generic,
like John Smith or something, not that no offense to people with that name. But if I see a generic
name like that, but I’ve read John Smith’s papers academically, and then I meet John Smith at a
conference, I can immediately associate that name with that face, because I have this pre-existing
network to lock everything into. And so you can build that network. And that’s what the method
of loci or the memory palace technique is all about, is you have a pre-existing structure in your
head of like your childhood home or this mental palace that you’ve created for yourself. And so
now you can put arbitrary pieces of information in different locations in that mental structure of
yours. And then you could walk through the different path and find all the pieces of information
you’re looking for. So the method of loci is a great method for just learning arbitrary things,
because it allows you to link them together and get that cue that you need to pop in
and find everything, right? We should maybe linger on this memory palace thing just to make obvious,
because when people were describing to me a while ago what this is seems insane. I just,
you literally think of a place like a childhood home or a home that you’re really visually
familiar with. And you literally place in that three-dimensional space facts or people or whatever
you want to remember. And you just walk in your mind along that place visually. And you can remember,
remind yourself of the different things. One of the limitations is there is a sequence to it.
So it’s, I think your brain somehow, you need, you can’t just like go upstairs right away or
something. You have to like walk along the room. So it’s really great for remembering sequences,
but it’s also not great for remembering like individual facts out of context. So the full
context of the tour, I think, is important. But it’s fascinating how the mind is able to do that
when you ground these pieces of knowledge into something that you remember well already,
especially visually. Fascinating. And you can just do that for any kind of sequence. I’m sure
she used something like this for the IKEA catalog, something like this nature.
Oh yeah, absolutely, absolutely. And I think the principle here is, again, I was telling you this
idea that memories can compete with each other, right? Well, I like to use this example, and maybe
someday I’ll regret this, but I’ve used it a lot recently, is like, imagine if this were my desk,
it could be cluttered with a zillion different things, right? So imagine it’s just cluttered
with a whole bunch of yellow Post-it notes. And on one of them, I put my bank password on it, right?
Well, it’s going to take me forever to find it. I might, you know, it’s just going to be buried
under all these other Post-it notes. But if it’s like hot pink, it’s going to stand out and I find
it really easily, right? And so that’s one way in which if things are distinctive, if you’ve
processed information in a very distinctive way, then you can have a memory that’s going to last.
And that’s very good, for instance, for name-face associations. If I get something distinctive
about you, you know, that it’s like, that you’ve got very short hair, and maybe I can make the
association with Lex Luthor that way, or something like that, right? You know, but I get something
very specific. That’s a great cue. But the other part of it is, what if I just organized my notes
so that I have my finances in one pile, and I have my like reminders, my to-do list in one pile,
and so forth. So I organized them. Well, then I know exactly if I’m going for my banking,
you know, my bank password, I could go to the finance pile, right? So the method of loci works
or memory palaces work because they give you a way of organizing. There’s a school of thought that
says that episodic memory evolved from this like kind of knowledge of space. And, you know,
basically, there’s primitive abilities to figure out where you are. And so people explain the
method of loci that way. And, you know, whether or not the evolutionary argument is true,
the method of loci is not at all special. So if you don’t, you’re not a good visualizer.
Stories are a good one. So a lot of memory athletes will use stories, and they’ll
go like, if you’re memorizing a deck of cards, they have a little code for the different, like,
like the king and the jack and the ten and so forth. And they’ll make up a story about things
that they’re doing. And that’ll work. Songs are a great one, right? I mean, it’s like, I can still
remember there’s this obscure episode of the TV show “Cheers.” They sing a song about Albania
that he uses to memorize all these facts about Albania. And I could still sing that song to you.
It’s just I saw it on a TV show, you know. So you mentioned space repetition. So what,
do you like this, Prasik? Maybe can you explain it? Oh, yeah. If I’m trying to memorize something,
let’s say if I have an hour to memorize as many Spanish words as I can, if I just try to do,
like, half an hour, and then later in the day, I do half an hour, I won’t retain that information
as long as if I do half an hour today and half an hour one week from now. And so doing that extra
spacing should help me retain the information better. Now, there’s an interesting boundary condition,
which is it depends on when you need that information. So many of us, you know, for me,
like, I can’t remember so much from college and high school because I crammed because I just did
everything at last minute. And sometimes I would literally study, like, you know, in the hallway
right before the test. That was great. Because what would happen is I just had that information
right there. And so actually not spacing can really help you if you need it very quickly,
right? But the problem is, is that you tend to forget it later on. But on the other hand,
if you space things out, you get a benefit for later on retention. And so there’s many different
explanations. We have a computational model of this, it’s currently under revision. But in our
computer model, what we say is that an easy, maybe a good way of thinking about this is
this conversation that you and I are having. It’s associated with a particular context,
a particular place in time. And so all these little cues that are in the background, these
little guitar sculptures that you have, and that big light umbrella thing, right? All these things
are part of my memory for what we’re talking about the content. So now later on, you’re sitting around
and you’re at home drinking a beer and you think, God, what a strange interview that was, right?
So now you’re trying to remember it, but the context is different. So your current situation
doesn’t match up with the memory that you pulled up. There’s error. There’s a mismatch between what
you pulled up and your current context. And so in our model, what you start to do is you start to
erase or alter the parts of the memory that are associated with a specific place and time,
and you heighten the information about the content. And so if you remember this information in
different times in different places, it’s more accessible at different times in different places
because it’s not overfitted in a AI kind of way of thinking about things. It’s not overfitted to
one particular context. But that’s also why the memories that we call upon the most also feel
kind of like they’re just things that we read about almost. You don’t vividly reimagine them,
right? It’s just these things that just come to us like facts, right? And it’s a little bit
different than semantic memory, but basically these events that we have recalled over and over
and over again, we keep updating that memory so it’s less and less tied to the original experience.
But then we have those other ones, which it’s like you just get a reminder of that very specific
context. You smell something, you hear a song, you see a place that you haven’t been to in a while,
and boom, it just comes back to you. And that’s the exact opposite of what you get with spacing,
right? That’s so fascinating. So with space repetition, one of its powers is that you lose
attachment to a particular context, but then it loses the intensity of the flavor of the memory.
That’s interesting. That’s so interesting. Yeah, but at the same time, it becomes stronger
in the sense that the content becomes stronger. Yeah, so it’s used for learning languages,
for learning facts, for learning, for that generic semantic information type of memory.
Yeah, and I think this falls into a category we’ve done other modeling. One of these is
published study in PLOS, Computational Biology, where we showed that another way, which is I think
related to the spacing effect is what’s called the testing effect. So the idea is that if you’re
trying to learn words, let’s say in Spanish or something like that, and this doesn’t have to
be words, it could be anything, you test yourself on the words and that active testing yourself
helps you retain it better over time than if you just studied it, right? And so from traditional
learning theories, some learning theories anyway, this seems weird, why would you do better giving
yourself this extra error from testing yourself rather than just giving yourself perfect input
that’s a replica of what it is that you’re trying to learn. And I think the reason is that you get
better retention from that error, that mismatch that we talked about, right? So what’s happening
in our model, it’s actually conceptually kind of similar to what happens with backprop in AI,
so there are neural networks. And so the idea is that you expose, here’s the bad connections,
and here’s the good connections. And so we can keep the parts of this cell assembly that are
good for the memory and lose the ones that are not so good. But if you don’t stress test the
memory, you haven’t exposed it to the error fully. And so that’s why I think this is a thing that I
come back to over and over again, is that you will retain information better if you’re constantly
pushing yourself to your limit, right? If you are feeling like you’re coasting, then you’re actually
not learning. So you should always be stress testing the memory system. Yeah, and feel good
about it. You know, even though everyone tells me, oh, my memory is terrible, in the moment,
they’re overconfident about what they’ll retain later on. So it’s fascinating. And so what happens
is when you test yourself, you’re like, oh, my God, I thought I knew that, but I don’t. And so
it can be demoralizing until you get around that and you realize, hey, this is the way that I learn.
This is how I learn best. It’s like if you’re trying to, you know, star in a movie or something
like that, you know, just sit around reading the script, you actually act it out and you’re going
to botch those lines from time to time, right? You know that there’s an interesting moment you
probably experienced this. I remember a good friend of mine, Joe Rogan, I was on his podcast and
we were randomly talking about soccer football. Somebody I grew up watching, Diego Armando
Maradona, one of the greatest soccer players of all time. And we were talking about him and his
career and so on. And Joe asked me if he’s still around. Now, and I said, yeah, I don’t know why
I thought yeah, because that was a perfect example of memories. He passed away. I tweeted about it,
how heartbroken I was, all this kind of stuff. I like it a year before. I know this, but in my
mind, I went back to the thing I’ve done many times in my head, visualizing some of the epic
run to get on goal and so on. So for me, he’s alive. So I’m in part of the also the conversation
when you’re talking to Joe, there’s stress and the focus is allocated, the attention is allocated
in a particular way. But when I walked away, I was like, in which world was Diego Maradona
still alive? Because I was sure in my head that he was still alive. There was a moment that sticks
with me. I’ve had a few like that in my life where just obvious things just disappear from
mind. And it’s cool, like it shows actually the power of the mind in a positive sense
to erase memories you want erased, maybe. But I don’t know. I don’t know if there’s a good
explanation for that. One of the cool things that I found is that some people really just
revolutionize a field by creating a problem that didn’t exist before. It’s kind of like why I love
science is like engineering is like solving other people’s problems and science is about
creating problems. I’m just much more like I want to break things and create problems.
Not necessarily move fast though. But one of my former mentors, Marsha Johnson, who in my opinion
is one of the greatest memory researchers of all time, she comes up young woman in the field and
it’s mostly Guy Field. And she gets into this idea of how do we tell the difference between
things that we’ve imagined and things that we actually remember? How do we tell I get some
mental experience? Where did that mental experience come from? And it turns out this is a huge problem
because essentially our mental experience of remembering something that happened,
our mental experience of thinking about something, how do you tell the difference?
They’re both largely constructions in our head. And so it is very important. And the way that you
do it is, I mean, it’s not perfect, but the way that we often do it and succeed is by, again,
using our prefrontal cortex and really focusing on the sensory information or the place and time
and the things that put us back into when this information happened. And if it’s something you
thought about, you’re not going to have all of that vivid detail as you do for something that
actually happened. But it doesn’t work all the time. But that’s a big thing that you have to do.
But it takes time. It’s slow and it’s, again, effortful. But that’s what you need to remember
accurately. But what’s cool, and I think this is what you alluded to about how that was an
interesting experience, is imagination is exactly the opposite. Imagination is basically saying,
I’m just going to take all this information from memory, recombine it in different ways and throw
it out there. And so, for instance, Dan Schachter and Donna Addis have done cool work on this.
Demis Hassibis did work on this with Eleanor McGuire and UCL. And this goes back, actually,
to this guy, Frederick Bartlett, who is this revolutionary memory researcher at Bartlett.
He actually rejected the whole idea of quantifying memory. He said, “There’s no statistics in my
book.” He came from this anthropology perspective. And a short version of the story is he just asked
people to recall things. You give people stories in poem, ask people to recall them.
And what he found was people’s memories didn’t reflect all of the details of what they were
exposed to. And they did reflect a lot more. They were filtered through this lens of prior
knowledge, the cultures that they came from, the beliefs that they had, the things they knew.
And so, what he concluded was that he called remembering an imaginative construction,
meaning that we don’t replay the past. We imagine how the past could have been by taking bits and
pieces that come up in our heads. And likewise, he wrote this beautiful taper on imagination,
saying when we imagine something and create something, we’re creating it from these specific
experiences that we’ve had and combining it with our general knowledge. But instead of trying to
focus it on being accurate and getting out one thing, you’re just ruthlessly recombining things
without any necessary goal in mind. I mean, at least that’s one kind of creation.
So imagination is fundamentally coupled with memory in both directions?
I think so. I mean, it’s not clear that it is in everyone, but one of the things that’s been
studied is some patients who have amnesia, for instance, they have brain damage, say, to the
hippocampus. And if you ask them to imagine things that are not in front of them, like imagine what
could happen after I leave this room, they find it very difficult to give you a scenario of what
could happen. Or if they do, it would be more stereotyped, like, yes, this would happen. But
it’s not like they can come up with anything that’s very vivid and creative in that sense.
And it’s partly because when you have amnesia, you’re stuck in the present.
Because to get a very good model of the future, it really helps to have episodic memories to
draw upon, right? And so that’s the basic idea. And in fact, one of the most impressive things,
when people started to scan people’s brains and ask people to remember past events,
what they found was there was this big network of the brain called the default mode network.
It gets a lot of press because it’s like thought to be important. It’s engaged during
mind wandering. And if I ask you to pay attention to something, it only comes on when you stop paying
attention. So people go, oh, it’s this daydreaming network. And I thought this is just ridiculous
research. Who cares? But then what people found was when people recall episodic memories,
this network gets active. And so we started to look into it. And this network of areas is really
closely, functionally interacting with the hippocampus. And so, in fact, some would say the
hippocampus is part of this default network. And if you look at brain images of people,
or brain maps of activation, so to speak, of people imagining possible scenarios of things that
could happen in the future, or even things that couldn’t really be very plausible,
they look very similar. I mean, you know, to the naked eye, they look almost the same as maps of
brain activation when people remember the past. According to our theory, and we’ve got some data
to support this, we’ve broken up this network in various subpieces, is that basically it’s kind of
taking apart all of our experiences, and creating these little Lego blocks out of them. And then
you can put them back together if you have the right instructions to recreate these experiences
that you’ve had, but you could also reassemble them into new pieces to create a model of an event that
hasn’t happened yet. And that’s what we think happens. And when our common ground that we’re
establishing in language, requires using those building blocks to put together a model of what’s
going on. Well, there’s a good percentage of time I personally live in, in the imagined world.
I think of, I have, I do thought experiments a lot. I, you know, take the, the absurdity
of human life as it stands, and play it forward in all kinds of different directions.
Sometimes it’s rigorous thoughts, thought experiments, sometimes it’s fun ones. So
I imagine that that has an effect on how I remember things. And I suppose I have to be
a little bit careful to make sure stuff happened versus stuff that I just imagined happened. And
this also, I mean, some of my best friends are characters inside books that never even existed.
And I’m, you know, there’s some degree to which they actually exist in my mind.
Like these characters exist. Authors exist. Does Efsky exist, but also Brothers Karamazov.
I love that book. One of the few books I’ve read. One of the few literature books that I’ve read,
I should say. I read a lot in school that I don’t remember, but Brothers Karamazov.
But they exist. They exist. And I have almost kind of like conversations with them. It’s interesting.
It’s interesting to allow your brain to kind of play with ideas of the past,
of the imagined, and see it all as one.
Yeah. There was actually this famous mnemonist. He’s kind of like back then the equivalent of a
memory athlete, except he would go to shows and do this. Those described by this really famous
nurse psychologist from Russia named Luria. And so this guy was named Solomon Sharyshevsky.
And he had this condition called synesthesia that basically created these weird associations
between different senses that normally wouldn’t go together. So that gave him this incredibly
vivid imagination that he would use to basically imagine all sorts of things that he would need
to memorize. And he would just imagine, like just create these incredibly detailed things.
And he said that allowed him to memorize all sorts of stuff. But it also really haunted
him by some reports that basically it was like he was at some point, and again, who knows,
the drinking was part of this, but at some point had trouble differentiating his imagination from
reality. And this is interesting because it’s like, I mean, that’s what psychosis is in some
ways is you, first of all, you’re just learning connections from prediction errors that you
probably shouldn’t learn. And the other part of it is, is that your internal signals are being
confused with actual things in the outside world, right? Well, that’s why a lot of this stuff is
both feature and bug. It’s a double-edged sword. Yeah, I mean, it might be why there’s such an
interesting relationship between genius and psychosis. Yeah, maybe they’re just two sides of
the same coin. Humans are fascinating, aren’t they? I think so. Sometimes scary, but mostly
fascinating. Can we just talk about memory sport a little longer? There’s something called the USA
Memory Championship. What are these athletes like? What does it mean to be like elite level at this?
Have you interacted with any of them or reading about them? What have you learned about these
folks? There’s a guy named Henry Ronditer who’s studying these guys. And there’s actually a book
by Joshua Ford called Moonwalking with Einstein where he talks about, he actually, as part of this
book, just decided to become a memory athlete. They often have these life events that make them go,
“Hey, why don’t I do this?” So there was a guy named Scott Hagwood who I write about,
who thought that he was getting chemo for cancer. And so he decided, because chemo,
there’s a well-known thing called chemo brain where people become like they just lose a lot of
their sharpness. And so he wanted to fight that by learning these memory skills. So he bought a
book. And this is the story you hear in a lot of memory athletes is they buy a book by other memory
athletes or other memory experts, so to speak. And they just learn those skills and practice
them over and over again. They start by winning bets and so forth. And then they go into these
competitions. And the competitions are typically things like memorizing long strings of numbers
or memorizing orders of cards and so forth. So there tend to be pretty arbitrary things,
not like things that you’d be able to bring a lot of prior knowledge. But they build the skills that
you need to memorize arbitrary things. Yeah, that’s fascinating. I’ve gotten a chance to work
with something called n-back tasks. So there’s all these kinds of tasks, memory recall tasks that
are used to load up the quote-unquote “work in memory.” And to see the psychologists used it
to test all kinds of stuff, like to see how well you’re good at multitasking. We used it in particular
for the task of driving, like if you fill up your brain with intensive working memory tasks,
how good are you at also not crashing, that kind of stuff. So it’s fascinating. But
again, those tasks are arbitrary in there, usually about recalling a sequence of numbers in some kind
of semi-complex way. Do you have any favorite tasks of this nature in your own studies?
I’ve really been most excited about going in the opposite direction and using things that are
more and more naturalistic. And the reason is, is that we’ve really moved, we’ve moved in that
direction because what we found is that memory works very, very differently when you study it,
when you study memory in the way that people typically remember. And so it goes into a much
more predictive mode. And you have these event boundaries, for instance. But a lot of what
happens is this kind of fascinating mix that we’ve been talking about, a mix of interpretations
and imagination with perception. And so the new direction we’re going in is understanding
navigation in our memory first places. And the reason is, is that there’s a lot of work that’s
done in rats, which is very good work. They have a rat, and they put it in a box, and the rat goes,
chases cheese in a box, and you’ll find cells in the hippocampus that fire when a rat is in
different places in the box. And so the conventional wisdom is that the hippocampus forms this map
of the box. And I think that probably may happen when you have absolutely no knowledge
of the world, right? But I think one of the cool things about human memory is we can bring to bear
our past experiences, economically, learn new ones. And so, for instance, if you learn a map of an
Ikea, let’s say if I go to the Ikea in Austin, I’m sure there’s one here, I probably could go to
this Ikea and find my way to the, you know, where the wine glasses are without having to even think
about it, because it’s got a very similar layout, even though Ikea is a nightmare to get around.
Once I learned my local Ikea, I can use that map everywhere, why form a brand new one for a new
place. And so that kind of ability to reuse information really comes into play when we
look at things that are, you know, more naturalistic tasks. And another thing that we’re really
interested in is this idea of like, what if instead of basically mapping out every coordinate in a
space, you form a pretty economical graph that connects basically the major landmarks together
and being able to use that as, you know, emphasizing the things that are most important,
the places that you go for food and the places that are landmarks that help you get around.
And then filling in the blanks for the rest, because I really believe that cognitive maps
are a mental maps of the world, just like our memories for events are not photographic,
I think there’s this combination of actual verifiable details and then a lot of inference
that you make. So what have you learned about this kind of spatial mapping of places?
How do people represent locations? There’s a lot of variability, I think that, and there’s a lot
of disagreement about how people represent locations in a world of GPS and physical maps.
People can learn it from like basically what they call like survey perspective, being able to see
everything. And so that’s one way in which humans can do it. That’s a little bit different.
There’s one way which we can memorize routes. Like I know how to get from here to, let’s say,
if I knew, walk here from my hotel, I could just rigidly follow that route back, right? And there’s
another more integrative way, which would be what’s called a cognitive map, which would be
kind of a sense of how everything relates to each other. And so there’s lots of people who
believe that these maps that we have in our head are isomorphic with the world. They’re like these
literal coordinates that follow Euclidean space. And as you know, Euclidean mathematics is very
constrained, right? And I think that we are actually much more generative in our maps of space,
so that we do have these bits and pieces. And we’ve got a small task as it’s right now,
not yet like we need to do some work on it for further analyses. But one of the things we’re
looking at is these signals called ripples in the hippocampus, which are these bursts of activity
that you see that are synchronized with areas in the neocortex, in the default network, actually.
And so what we find is that those ripples seem to increase at navigationally important points
when you’re making a decision or when you reach a goal. So it speaks to the emotion thing, right?
Because if you have limited choices, if I’m walking down a street, I could really just get
a mental map of the neighborhood with a more minimal kind of thing by just saying, here’s the
intersections, and here’s the directions I take to get in between them. And what we found in general
in our MRI studies is basically the more people can reduce the problem, whether it’s space or
any kind of decision-making problem, the less the hippocampus encodes. It really is very economical
towards the points of most highest information content and value. So can you describe
the encoding in the hippocampus and the ripples you were talking about?
What’s the signal in which we see the ripples? Yeah, so this is really interesting. There are
these oscillations, right? So there’s these waves that you basically see. And these waves
are points of very high excitability and low excitability. And at least during, they happen
actually during slow wave sleep too. So the deepest stages of sleep when you’re just zonked out, right?
You see these very slow waves where it’s very excitable and then very unexcitable. It goes up
and down. And on top of them, you’ll see these little sharp wave ripples. And when there’s a
ripple in the hippocampus, you tend to see a sequence of cells that resemble a sequence of
cells that fire when an animal is actually doing something in the world. So it almost is like a
little people call it replay. And it’s a little bit, I don’t like that term, but it’s basically
a little bit of a compressed play of the sequence of activity in the brain that was taking place
earlier. And during those moments, there’s a little window of communication between the hippocampus
and these areas in the neocortex. And so that I think helps you form new memories, but it also
helps you, I think, stabilize them, but also really connect different things together in memory
and allows you to build bridges between different events that you’ve had. And so this is one of
hardly start theories of sleep and its real role in helping you see the connections between
different events that you’ve experienced. Oh, so during sleep is when the connections are formed?
The connections between different events, right? So it’s like, you see me now, you see me next week,
you see me a month later, you start to build a little internal model of how I behave and what
to expect of me. And with sleep, one of the things that allows you to do is figure out those
connections and connect the dots and find the signal and the noise. So you mentioned fMRI,
what is it and how is it used in studying memory? This is actually the reason why I got into this
whole field of science is when I was in grad school, fMRI was just really taking off as a
technique for studying brain activity. And what’s beautiful about it is you can study the whole
human brain. And there’s lots of limits to it, but you can basically do it in the person without
sticking anything into their brains. And very noninvasive. And for me, being an MRI scanner is
like being in the womb, I just fall asleep. If I’m not being asked to do anything, I get very
sleepy. But you can have people watch movies while they’re being scanned, or you can have them do
tests of memory, like giving them words and so far to memorize. But what MRI is itself is just this
technique where you put people in a very high magnetic field. Typical ones we would use would be
three Tesla to give you an idea. So a three Tesla magnet, you put somebody in. And what happens is
you get this very weak, but, you know, measurable magnetization in the brain. And then you apply
a radiofrequency pulse, which is basically a different electromagnetic field. And so you’re
basically using water, the water molecules in the brain as a tracer, so to speak. And part of it in
fMRI is the fact that these magnetic fields that you mess with by manipulating these radiofrequency
pulses in the static field, and you have things called gradients would change the strength of
the magnetic field in different parts of the head. So they’re all, we tweak them in different ways.
But the basic idea that we use in fMRI is that blood is flowing to the brain. And when you have
blood that doesn’t have oxygen on it, it’s a little bit more magnetizable than blood that does,
because you have hemoglobin that carries the oxygen, the iron basically in the blood that makes
it red. And so that hemoglobin when it’s deoxygenated actually has different magnetic field properties
than when it has oxygen. And it turns out when you have an increase in local activity in some part
of the brain, the blood flows there. And as a result, you get a lower concentration of hemoglobin
that is not oxygenated. And then that gives you more signal. So I gave you, I think I sent you
a GIF, as you like to say. Yeah, we had off record, intense argument. Well, if it’s pronounced GIF
or GIF, but that’s, we shall set that aside as friends. We could have called it a stern rebuke,
perhaps. Rebuke, yeah. I drew a hard line. It is through the creator of GIFs that it’s
pronounced GIF, but that’s the only person that pronounces GIF. Anyway, yes, you sent a GIF of…
This would be basically a whole, a movie of fMRI data. And so when you look at it, it’s not very
impressive. It looks like these like very pixelated maps of the brain, but it’s mostly kind of like
white. But these tiny changes in the intensity of those signals that you probably wouldn’t be
able to visually perceive, like about 1% can be statistically very, very large effects for us.
And that allows us to see, hey, there’s an increase in activity in some part of the brain
when I’m doing some task like trying to remember something. And I can use those changes to even
predict is a person going to remember this later or not. And the coolest thing that people have done
is to decode what people are remembering from the patterns of activity from, because maybe when
I’m remembering this thing, like I’m remembering the house where I grew up, I might have one pixel
that’s bright in the hippocampus and one that’s dark. And if I’m remembering, you know, something
like more like the car that I used to drive when I was 16, I might see the opposite pattern where
different pixels bright. And so all that little stuff that we used to think of noise, we can now
think of almost like a QR code for memory, so to speak, where different memories have a different
little pattern of bright pixels and dark pixels. And so this really revolutionized my research.
So there’s fancy research out there where people really, I mean, not even that, I mean,
by your standards would be stone age, but you know, applying machine learning techniques to do decoding
and so forth. And now there’s a lot of forward encoding models and you can go to town with this
stuff, right? And I’m much more old school of designing experiments where you basically say,
okay, here’s a whole web of memories that overlap in some way, shape, or form. Do memories that
occurred in the same place have a similar QR code? And do memories that occurred in different
places of different QR code? And you can just use things like correlation coefficients or
cosine distance to measure that stuff, right? Super simple, right? And so what happens is you
can start to get a whole state space of how a brain area is indexing all these different memories.
And it’s super fascinating because what we could see is this little like separation between how
certain brain areas are processing memory for who was there and other brain areas are processing
information about where it occurred or the situation that’s kind of unfolding. And some
are giving you information about what are my goals that are involved and so forth. And so,
and the hippocampus is just putting it all together into these unique things that just
are about when and where it happened. So there’s a separation between spatial information,
concepts, like literally there’s distinct, as you said, QR codes for these.
So to speak, let me try a different analogy to that might be more accessible for people,
which would be like, you’ve got a folder on your computer, right? Open it up. There’s a bunch
of files there. I can sort those files by, you know, alphabetical order. And now things that
both start with letter A are lumped together and things that start with Z versus A are far apart,
right? And so that is one way of organizing the folder, but I could do it by date. And if I do
it by date, things that were created close together in time are close and things that are
far apart in time are far. So every, like you can think of how a brain area or a network of areas
contributes to memory by looking at what the sorting scheme is. And these QR codes that we’re
talking about that you get from fMRI allow you to do that. And you can do the same thing if
you’re recording from massive populations of neurons in an animal. And you can do it for
recording local potentials in the brain, you know, so little waves of activity in, let’s say,
a human who has epilepsy and they stick electrodes in their brain and try to find the seizures.
So that’s some of the work that we’re doing now. But all these techniques basically allow you to
say, hey, what’s the sorting scheme? And so we’ve found that some networks of the brain sort
information and memory according to who was there. So I might have, like we’ve actually shown in one
of my favorite studies of all time that was done by a former postdoc, Zach Raim. And Zach did the
study where we had a bunch of movies with different people in my labs that are two different people.
And you filmed them at two different cafes and two different supermarkets. And what you could
show is in one particular network, you could find the same kind of pattern of activity more
or less, a very, very similar pattern of activity. Every time I saw Alex in one of these movies,
no matter where he was, right? And I could see another one that was like a common
pattern that happened every time I saw this particular supermarket nugget, you know. And it
didn’t matter whether you’re watching a movie or whether you’re recalling the movie. It’s the same
kind of pattern that comes up, right? It’s so fascinating. It’s fascinating. So now you have
those building blocks for assembling a model of what’s happening in the present, imagining what
could happen and remembering things very economically from putting together all these pieces so that
all the hippocampus has to do is get the right kind of blueprint for how to put together all
these building blocks. These are all like beautiful hints at a super interesting system that makes
me wonder on the other side of it how to build it. But it’s like, it’s fascinating. Like the way
does the encoding is really, really fascinating. Or I guess the symptoms, the results of that
encoding are fascinating to study from this. Just as a small tangent, you mentioned sort of the
measuring local potentials with electrodes versus fMRI. Oh yeah. What are some interesting like
limitations, possibilities of fMRI? Maybe the way you explained it is brilliant with blood and
detecting the activations or the excitation because blood flows to that area. What’s the
latency of that? What’s the blood dynamics in the brain that, how quickly can it,
how quickly can the tasks change and all that kind of stuff? Yeah. I mean, it’s very slow to
the brain. 50 milliseconds is like, it’s an eternity. Maybe 50, maybe like
let’s say half a second, 500 milliseconds. Just so much back and forth stuff happens
in the brain in that time. In fMRI, you can measure these magnetic field responses
about six seconds after that burst of activity would take place. All these things, it’s like,
is it a feature or is it a bug? One of the interesting things that’s been discovered
about fMRI is it’s not so tightly related to the spiking of the neurons. We tend to think of
the computation, so to speak, as being driven by spikes, meaning like there’s just a burst of,
it’s either on or it’s off and the neuron’s like going up or down. But sometimes what you can have
is these states where the neuron becomes a little bit more excitable or less excitable.
And so fMRI is very sensitive to those changes in excitability. Actually, one of the fascinating
things about fMRI is where does that, how is it we go from neural activity to essentially
blood flow to oxygen, all this stuff. It’s such a long chain of going from neural activity to
magnetic fields. And one of the theories that’s out there is most of the cells in the brain are
not neurons. They’re actually these support cells called glial cells. And one big one is astrocytes
and they play this big role in regulating kind of being a middle man, so to speak, with the neuron.
So if you, for instance, like one neuron is talking to another, you release a neurotransmitter,
like let’s say glutamate, and that gets another neuron starts getting active after you release
in the gap between the two neurons called synapse. So what’s interesting is if you leave that,
imagine you’re just flooded with this liquid in there, right? If you leave it in there too long,
you just excite the other neuron too much and you can start to basically get seizure activity.
You don’t want this. So you got to suck it up. And so actually what happens is these astrocytes,
one of their functions is to suck up the glutamate from the synapse. And that is a massively, and
then break it down and then feed it back into the neurons that you reuse it. But that cycling is
actually very energy intensive. And what’s interesting is at least according to one theory,
and they need to work so quickly that they’re working on metabolizing the glucose that comes
in without using oxygen, kind of like what, you know, anaerobic metabolism. So they’re not using
oxygen as fast as they are using glucose. So what we’re really seeing in some ways may be in fMRI,
not the neurons themselves being active, but rather the astrocytes, which are meeting the
metabolic demands of the process of keeping the whole system going.
It does seem to be that fMRI is a good way to study activation. So with these astrocytes,
even though there’s a latency, it’s pretty reliably coupled to the activations.
Oh, well, this gets me to the other part. So now let’s say, for instance,
if I’m just kind of like I’m talking to you, but I’m kind of paying attention to your cowboy hat,
right? So I’m looking off to the room. I’m thinking about the right, even if I’m not looking at it.
What you’d see is that there would be this little elevation in activity in areas in
the visual cortex, which process vision around that point in space. Okay. So if then something
happened, like, you know, suddenly a light flashed in that part of, you know, right in front of your
cowboy hat, I would have a bigger response to it. But what you see in fMRI is even if I’m not,
even if I don’t see that flash of light, there’s a lot of activity that I can measure,
because you’re kind of keeping it excitable and that in and of itself, even though I’m not
seeing anything there that’s particularly interesting, there’s still this increase in
activity. And so it’s more sensitive with fMRI. So is that a feature or is it a bug? You know,
some people, people who study spikes in neurons would say, well, that’s terrible. We don’t want
that, you know. Likewise, it’s slow. And that’s terrible for measuring things that are very fast.
But one of the things that we found in our work was when we give people movies and when we give
people stories to listen to, a lot of the action is in the very, very slow stuff. It’s in, because
if you’re thinking about, like, a story, let’s say, you’re listening to a podcast or listening
to the Lex Friedman podcast, right? You’re putting this stuff together and building this
internal model over several seconds, which is basically, we filter that out when we look at
electrical activity in the brain, because we’re interested in this millisecond scale. It’s almost
massive amounts of information, right? So the way I see it is every technique gives you a little
limited window into what’s going on. fMRI is huge problems. You know, people lie down in the scanner.
There’s parts of the brain where I’ll show you in some of these images where you’ll see kind of
gaping holes, because you can’t keep the magnetic field stable in those spots. You’ll see parts where
it’s like there’s a vein, and so it just produces big increases and decreases in signal or respiration
that causes these changes. There’s lots of artifacts and stuff like that. Every technique has
its limits. If I’m lying down in an MRI scanner, I’m lying down. I’m not interacting with you
in the same way that I would in the real world. But at the same time, I’m getting data that I
might not be able to get otherwise. And so different techniques give you different kinds of
advantages. What kind of big scientific discoveries, maybe the flavor of discoveries have been done
throughout the history of the science of memory, the studying of memory? What kind of things
have been understood? Oh, there’s so many. It’s really so hard to summarize it. I mean, I think
it’s funny because it’s like, when you’re in the field, you can get kind of blasé about this stuff.
But then once I started to write the book, I was like, oh my god, this is really interesting. How
did we do all this stuff? I would say that some of the, I mean, from the first studies, just showing
how much we forget is very important. Showing how much schemas, which is our organized knowledge
about the world, increase our ability to remember information, just massively increase in studies
of expertise, showing how experts like chess experts can memorize so much in such a short
amount of time because of the schemas they have for chess. But then also showing that those lead
to all sorts of distortions in memory, the discovery that the act of remembering can change the memory,
can strengthen it, but it can also distort it if you get misinformation at the time.
And it can also strengthen or weaken other memories that you didn’t even recall. So just
this whole idea of memory as an ecosystem, I think, was a big discovery. I could go, this idea of
like breaking up our continuous experience into these discrete events, I think, was a major
discovery. So the discreteness of our encoding of events? Maybe, yeah. I mean, you know, and again,
there’s controversial ideas about this, right? But it’s like, yeah, this idea that, and this gets
back to just this common experience of you walk into the kitchen, and you’re like, why am I here?
And you just end up grabbing some food from the fridge, and then you go back and you’re like,
oh, wait a minute, I left my watch in the kitchen. That’s what I was looking for.
And so what happens is, is that you have a little internal model of where you are,
what you’re thinking about. And when you cross from one room to another, those models get updated.
And so now when you’re in the kitchen, you have to go back and mentally time travel back to this
earlier point to remember what it was that you went there for. And so these event boundaries,
turns out like in our research, and again, I don’t want to make it sound like we’ve figured out
everything. But in our research, one of the things that we found is that basically, as people get
older, the activity in the hippocampus at these event boundaries tends to go down. But independent
of age, if I give you outside of the scanner, you’re done with the scanner, I just scan you
while you’re watching a movie, you just watch it, you come out, I give you a test of memory for
stories. What happens is you find this incredible correlation between the activity in the hippocampus
at these singular points in time, these event boundaries, and your ability to just remember
a story outside of the scanner later on. So it’s marking this ability to encode memories,
just these little snippets of neural activity. So I think that’s a big one. There’s all sorts of
work in animal models that I can get into, you know, sleep. I think there’s so much interesting
stuff that’s being discovered in sleep right now, being able to just record from large populations
of cells, and then be able to relate that. And I think the coolest thing gets back to this QR
code thing, because what we can do now is I can take fMRI data while you’re watching a movie,
or let’s do better than that. Let me get fMRI data while you use a joystick to move around in
virtual reality, right? You’re in the metaverse, whatever, right? But it’s kind of a crappy
metaverse, because there’s always so much metaversing you can do in an MRI scanner. So
what you do is crappy metaversing. So now I can take a rat, record from his hippocampus,
and prefrontal cortex in all these areas, with these really new electrodes, get massive amounts
of data, and have it move around on a trackball in virtual reality in the same metaverse that I
did, and record that rat’s activity. I can get a person with epilepsy, who we have electrodes in
their brain anyway, to try to figure out where the seizures are coming from. And it’s a healthy
part of the brain, record from that person, right? And I can get a computational model.
And one of the one of the brand new members in my lab, Tyler Bond, is just doing some great
stuff. He relates computer vision models, and looks at the weaknesses of computer vision models,
and relates it to what the brain does well. And so you can actually take a ground truth,
code for the metaverse, basically. And you can feed in the visual information, let’s say the
sensory information, or whatever that’s coming in, to a computational model that’s designed to take
real world inputs, right? And you could basically tie them all together by virtue of the state spaces
that you’re measuring in neural activity, and these different formats, and these different
species, and in the computational model, which is, I just find that mind blowing. You could do
different kinds of analyses on language, and basically come up with just like, basically,
it’s the guts of LLMs, right? You could do analyses on language, and you could do analyses on
sentiment analyses of emotions, and put all this stuff together. I mean, it’s almost too much.
But if you do it right, and you do it in a theory driven way, as opposed to just throwing all the
data at the wall and see what it sticks, I mean, that to me is just exceptionally powerful.
So you can take fMRI data across species, and across different types of humans,
of conditions of humans, and what find construct models that help you find the commonalities,
or the core thing that makes somebody navigate through the metaverse, for example.
Yeah. Yeah, I mean, more or less. I mean, there’s a lot of details, but yes, I think, and not just fMRI,
but you can relate it to, like I said, recordings from large populations of neurons that could
be taken in a human, or even in a non-human animal that is where you think it’s an anatomical homologue.
So that’s just mind-blowing to me. What’s the similarities in humans and mice?
That’s what it’s smashing pumpkins. We’re all just rats in a cage. Is that a smashing pumpkin?
Despite all of your rage at GIFs, you’re still just rat in a cage.
Oh, yeah. All right, good callback. Anyway, good callback. See, these memory retrieval
exercises that we’re doing are actually helping you build a lasting memory of this conversation.
And it’s strengthening the visual thing I have of you with James Brown on stage.
It’s just becoming stronger and stronger by the second.
It’s got a lot to it.
But animal studies work here as well.
Yeah, yeah. So let’s go to the… So I think I’ve got great colleagues who I talk to
who study memory in mice. One of the valuable things in those models is you can study
neural circuits in an enormously targeted way because you could do these
genetic studies, for instance, where you can manipulate particular groups of neurons.
And it’s just getting more and more targeted to the point where you can actually turn on
particular kind of memory just by activating a particular set of neurons that was active
during an experience. So there’s a lot of conservation of some of these neural circuits
across evolution in mammals, for instance. And then some people would even say that there’s
genetic mechanisms for learning that are conserved even going back far, far before.
But let’s go back to the mice in humans question, right?
There’s a lot of differences. So for one thing, the sensory information is very different.
Mice and rats explore the world largely through smelling, olfaction. But they also have vision
that’s kind of designed to kind of catch death from above. So it’s like a very big view of the
world. And we move our eyes around in a way that focuses on particular spots in space where you
get very high resolution from a very limited set of spots in space. So that makes us very different
in that way. We also have all these other structures as social animals that allow us to
respond differently. There’s language. There’s like, you know, so you name it, there’s obviously
gobs of differences. Humans aren’t just giant rats. There’s a bunch more complexity to us.
Time scales are very important. So primate brains and human brains are especially good
at integrating and holding on to information across longer and longer periods of time, right?
And also, you know, finally, it’s like our history of training data, so to speak,
is very, very different than, you know, I mean, humans’ world is very different than a wild
mouse’s world. And a lab mouse’s world is extraordinarily impoverished relative to an
adult human, you know? But still, what can you understand by studying mice? I mean,
just basic, almost behavioral stuff about memory? Well, yes, but that’s very important,
right? So you can understand, for instance, how do neurons talk to each other? That’s a really
big, big question. Neural computation, you think it’s the most simple question, right?
Not at all. I mean, it’s a big, big question. And understanding how two parts of the brain
interact, meaning that it’s not just one area speaking, it’s not like, you know, it’s not like
Twitter, where one area of the brain is shouting, and then another area of the brain is just stuck
listening to this crap. It’s like they’re actually interacting on the millisecond scale, right?
How does that happen? And how do you regulate those interactions, these dynamic, you know,
interactions? We’re still figuring that out, but that’s going to be coming largely from model
systems that are easier to understand. You can do manipulations like drug manipulations to manipulate
circuits and, you know, use viruses and so forth and lasers to turn on circuits that you just can’t
do in humans. So I think there’s a lot that can be learned from mice. There’s a lot that can be
learned from nonhuman primates. And there’s a lot that you need to learn from humans. And I think,
unfortunately, some of the people in the National Institutes of Health think you can learn everything
from the mouse. It’s like, why study memory in humans when I could study learning in a mouse?
And just like, oh my God, I’m going to get my funding from somewhere else.
Well, let me ask you some random, fascinating questions. How does deja vu work?
So deja vu is it’s actually one of these things I think that some of the
surveys suggest that like 75% of people report having a deja vu experience one time or another.
I don’t know where that came from, but I’ve pulled people in my class and most of them
say they’ve experienced deja vu. It’s this kind of sense that I’ve experienced this moment sometime
before I’ve been here before. And actually, there’s all sorts of variants of this, the French have
all sorts of names for various versions of the shammy vu, parley, I don’t know. All these different
vues. But deja vu is the sense that it can be like almost disturbing intense sense of familiarity.
So there is a researcher named Wilder Penfield. Actually, this goes back even earlier to some
of the earliest, like Hulings Jackson was this neurologist who did a lot of the early
characterizations of epilepsy. And one of the things he notices in epilepsy patients,
some group of them right before they would get a seizure, they would have this intense sense
of deja vu. So it’s this artificial sense of familiarity. It’s a sense of having a memory
that’s not there. And so what was happening was there was electrical activity in certain
parts of these brain cells. So this guy Penfield later on, when he was trying to look for how do
we map out the brain to figure out which parts we want to remove and which parts don’t we,
he would stimulate parts of the temporal lobes of the brain and find you could elicit the sense
of deja vu. Sometimes you’d actually get a memory that a person would re-experience just from
electrically stimulating some parts. Sometimes they just have this intense feeling of being
somewhere before. And so one theory which I really like is that in higher order areas of the brain
they’re integrating for many, many different sources of input. What happens is that they’re
tuning themselves up every time you process a similar input. And so that allows you to just
get this kind of a fluent sense that I’m very familiar. You’re very familiar with this place.
And so just being here, you’re not going to be moving your eyes all over the place because you
kind of have an idea of where everything is. And that fluency gives you a sense of like I’m here.
Now I wake up in my hotel room and I have this very unfamiliar sense of where I am.
But there’s a great set of studies done by Ann Cleary at Colorado State where she created
these virtual reality environments and we’ll go back to the metaverse. Imagine you go through a
virtual museum and then she would put people in virtual reality and have them go through a virtual
arcade. But the map of the two places was exactly the same. She just put different skins on them.
So one looks different than the other. But they’ve got same landmarks in the same places,
same objects and everything, but carpeting, colors, theme, everything’s different.
People will often not have any conscious idea that the two are the same, but they could report
this very intense sense of deja vu. So it’s like a partial match that’s eliciting this kind of a
sense of familiarity. And that’s why in patients who have epilepsy that affects memory, you get
this artificial sense of familiarity that happens. And again, this is just one theory amongst many,
but we get a little bit of that feeling it’s not enough to necessarily give you deja vu,
even for very mundane things. So it’s like if I tell you the word rutabaga, your brain’s going
to work a little bit harder to catch it than if I give you a word like apple. That’s because you
hear apple a lot. So your brain’s very tuned up to process it efficiently, but rutabaga takes
a little bit longer and more intense. And you can actually see a difference in brain activity
in areas in the temporal lobe when you hear a word just based on how frequent it is in
the English language. So we think it’s tied to this basic, it’s basically a byproduct of our
mechanism of just learning, doing this error driven learning as we go through life to become
better and better and better to process things more and more efficiently.
So I guess deja vu is just an extra elevated stuff coming together firing for this artificial
memories if it’s the real memory. I mean, why does it feel so intense?
Well, it doesn’t happen all the time, but I think what may be happening is it’s such a,
it’s a partial match to something that we have. And it’s not enough to trigger that sense of,
you know, that ability to pull together all the pieces, but it’s a close enough
match to give you that intense sense of familiarity without the recollection of exactly what happened
when. But it’s also like a spatiotemporal familiarity. So like, it’s also in time.
Like there’s a weird blending of time that happens. And we’ll probably talk about time
because I think that’s a really interesting idea how time relates to memory. But you also kind of
artificial memory brings to mind this idea of false memories that comes in all kinds of context.
But how do false memories form? Well, I like to say there’s no such thing as true or false
memories, right? It’s like Johnny Rotten from the Sex Pistols. He had a saying that’s like,
I don’t believe in false memories anymore than I believe in false songs, right? It’s like,
and so the basic idea is, is that we have these memories that reflect bits and pieces of what
happened as well as our inferences and theories, right? So I’m a scientist and I collect data,
but I use, I use theories to make sense of that data. And so a memory is kind of a mix of all
these things. So where memories can go off the deep end and become what we would call conventionally
as false memories are sometimes little distortions where we filled in the blanks, the gaps in our
memory based on things that we know, but don’t actually correspond to what happened, right?
So if I were to tell you that I’m like, you know, a story about this person who’s like
worried that they have cancer or something like that, and then, you know, they see a doctor and
the doctor says, well, things are very much like you would have expected or like, you know,
what you’re afraid of or something. When people remember that, they’ll often remember, well,
the doctor told the patient that he had cancer, even if that wasn’t in the story because they’re
infusing meaning into that story, right? So that’s a minor distortion. But what happens is,
is that sometimes things can really get out of hand where people have trouble telling the
difference in things that they’ve imagined versus things that happen. But also, as I told you,
the act of remembering can change the memory. And so what happens then is you can actually
be exposed to some misinformation. And so Elizabeth Loftus was a real pioneer in this work and there’s
lots of other work that’s been done since. But basically, it’s like if you remember some event,
and then I tell you something about the event, later on, when you remember the event, you might
remember some original information from the event, as well as some information about what I told you.
And sometimes, if you’re not able to tell the difference, that information that I told you
gets mixed into the story that you had originally. So now I give you some more misinformation or
you’re exposed to some more information somewhere else. And eventually, your memory becomes totally
detached from what happened. And so sometimes you can have cases where people, this is very rare,
but you can do it in the lab too, or like a significant, not everybody, but you know,
a chunk of people will fall for this, where you can give people misinformation about an event
that never took place. And as they keep trying to remember that event more and more, what happens,
they start to imagine, they start to pull up things from other experiences they’ve had.
And eventually, they can stitch together a vivid memory of something that never happened.
Because they’re not remembering an event that happened, they’re remembering the act of trying
to remember what happened, and basically putting it together into the wrong story.
So it’s fascinating because this could probably happen at a collective level.
Like this is probably what successful propaganda machines aim to do,
is creating false memory across thousands, if not millions of minds.
Yeah, absolutely. I mean, this is exactly what they do. And so all these kind of foibles of human
memory get magnified when you start to have social interactions. There’s a whole literature
on something called social contagion, which is basically when misinformation spreads like a
virus, like you remember the same thing that I did, but I give you a little bit of wrong
information, then that becomes part of your story of what happened. Because once you and I share a
memory, like I tell you about something I’ve experienced, and you tell me about your experience
of the same event, it’s no longer your memory or my memory, it’s our memory. And so now the
misinformation spreads. And the more you trust someone, or the more powerful that person is,
the more of a voice they have in shaping that narrative. And there’s all sorts of interesting
ways in which misinformation can happen. There’s a great example of when John McCain and George
Bush Jr. were in a primary, and there are these polls where they would do these, I guess they
were like not robocalls, but real calls where they would poll voters. But they actually inserted
some misinformation about McCain’s beliefs on taxation, I think, and maybe it was something
about illegitimate children or something. I don’t really remember. But they included misinformation
in the question that they asked, like, how do you feel about the fact that he wants to do this or
something? And so people would end up becoming convinced he had these policy things or these
personal things that were not true, just based on the polls that were being used. So it was a case
where, interestingly enough, the people who were using misinformation were actually ahead of the
curve relative to the scientists who were trying to study these effects in memory.
Yeah, it’s really interesting. So it’s not just about truth and falsehoods, like us as
intelligent reasoning machines, but it’s the formation of memories where they become
like visceral. You can rewrite history. If you just look throughout the 20th century,
some of the dictatorships with Nazi Germany, with the Soviet Union,
effective propaganda machines can rewrite our conceptions of history. How we remember our
own culture, our upbringing, all this kind of stuff. And you could do quite a lot of damage
in this way. And then there’s probably some kind of social contagion happening there.
Like certain ideas that may be initiated by the propaganda machine can spread faster than others.
You could see that in modern day, certain conspiracy theories, there’s just something
about them that they are really effective at spreading. There’s something sexy about them,
to people, to where something about the human mind eats it up and then uses that
to construct memories as if they almost were there to witness whatever the content of the
conspiracy theory is. It’s fascinating. Because once you feel like you remember a thing,
I feel like there’s a certainty. It emboldens you to say stuff. It’s not just you believe
an idea is true or not. It’s at the core of your being that you feel like you were there to watch
the thing happen. Yeah. I mean, there’s so much in what you’re saying. One of the things is that
people’s sense of collective identity is very much tied to shared memories. If we have a shared
narrative of the past, or even better, if we have a shared past, we will feel more socially connected
with each other. And I will feel part of this group. They’re part of my tribe, if I remember
the same things in the same way. And you brought up this weaponization of history. And it really
speaks to, I think, one of the parts of memory, which is that if you have a belief, you will find,
and you have a goal in mind, you will find stuff in memory that aligns with it. And you won’t see
the parts in memory that don’t. So a lot of the stories we put together are based on our perspectives.
Right? And so let’s just zoom out for the moment from misinformation. Take something even more
fascinating, but not as scary. I was reading Tan Viet Nguyen, but he wrote a book about the collective
memory of the Vietnam War. He’s a Vietnamese immigrant who was flown out after the war was
over. And so he went back to his family to get their stories about the war. And they called it
the American War, not the Vietnam War. And that just kind of blew my mind, having grown up in the
U.S., and I’ve always heard about it as a Vietnam War. But of course they call it the American War,
because that’s what happened. America came in. And that’s based on their perspective, which is a
very valid perspective. And so that just gives you this idea of the way we put together these
narratives based on our perspectives. And I think the opportunities that we can have in memory is
if we bring groups together from different perspectives and we allow them to talk to each
other and we allow ourselves to listen. I mean, right now you’ll hear a lot of just jammering,
you know, people going blah, blah, blah about free speech, but they just want to listen to
themselves, right? I mean, it’s like, let’s face it, the old days before people were supposedly
awoke, they were trying to ban too-live crew or, you know, just think about Letty Bruce got canceled
for cursing, Jesus Christ, you know? It’s like, this is nothing new. People don’t like to hear
things that disagree with them. But if you’re in it, I mean, you can see two situations in groups
with memory. One situation is you have people who are very dominant who just take over the
conversation. And basically what happens is the group remembers less from the experience,
and they remember more of what the dominant narrator says, right? Now if you have a diverse
group of people, and I don’t mean diverse in necessarily the human resources sense of the
word, I mean, diverse in any way you want to take it, right? But diverse in every way, hopefully.
And you give everyone a chance to speak, and everyone’s being appreciated for their unique
contribution. You get more accurate memories, and you get more information from it, right?
Even two people who come from very similar backgrounds, if you can appreciate the unique
contributions that each one has, you can do a better job of generating information from memory.
And that’s a way to inoculate ourselves, I believe, from misinformation in the modern world.
But like everything else, it requires a certain tolerance for discomfort. And I think
when we don’t have much time, and I think when we’re stressed out, and when we are
just tired, it’s very hard to tolerate discomfort. And I mean, social media has a lot of opportunity
for this because it enables this distributed one-on-one interaction that you’re talking about
where everybody has a voice. But still our natural inclination, you see this on social media,
there’s a natural clustering of people and opinions, and you just kind of form these kind
of bubbles. I think that’s, to me personally, I think that’s a technology problem that could be
solved. If there’s a little bit of interaction, kind, respectful, compassionate interaction
with people that have a very different memory, that respectful interaction will start to
intermix the memories and ways of thinking to where you’re slowly moving towards truth.
But that’s a technology problem because naturally left our own devices, we want to cluster up in
a tribe. Yeah, and that’s the human problem. I think a lot of the problems that come up with
technology aren’t the technology itself as much as the fact that people adapt to the technology
in maladaptive ways. I mean, one of my fears about AI is not what AI will do, but what people
will do. I mean, take text messaging. It’s like, it’s pain in the ass to text people, at least for
me. And so what happens is the communication becomes very spartan and devoid of meaning. It’s
just very telegraphic, and that’s people adapting to the medium. I mean, look at you. You’ve got this
keyboard that’s got these dome-shaped things, and you’ve adapted to that to communicate.
That’s not the technology adapting to you. It’s you adapting to the technology.
One of the things I learned when Google started to introduce autocomplete in emails,
I started to use it. And about a third of the time, I was like, this isn’t what I want to say.
A third of the time, I’d be like, this is exactly what I wanted to say. And a third of the time,
I was saying, well, this is good enough. I’ll just go with it. And so what happens is it’s not that
the technology necessarily is doing anything so bad as much as it’s just going to constrain my
language because I’m just doing what’s being suggested to me. And so this is why I say kind
of like my mantra for some of what I’ve learned about everything in memory is to diversify your
training data, basically, because otherwise you’re going to be– so humans have this capability to
be so much more creative than anything generative AI will put together, at least right now who knows
where this goes. But it can also go the opposite direction where people could become much, much
less creative if they just become more and more resistant to discomfort and resistant to
exposing themselves to novelty, to cognitive dissonance, and so forth.
I think there is a dance between natural human adaptation of technology and the people that
design the engineering of that technology. So I think there’s a lot of opportunity to create
like this keyboard, things that on net are a positive for human behavior. So we adapt and
all this kind of stuff, but when you look at the long arc of history across years and decades,
has humanity been flourishing? Are humans creating more awesome stuff? Are humans happy or all that
kind of stuff? And so there I think technology on net has been and I think maybe hope will always be
on net a positive thing. Do you think people are happier now than they were 50 years ago or 100
years ago? Yes. I don’t know about that. I think humans in general like to reminisce about the past,
like the times are better. That’s true. And complain about the weather today or complain
about whatever today because there’s this kind of complaining engine that just there’s so much
pleasure in saying life sucks for some reason. That’s why I love punk rock. Exactly. I mean,
there’s something in humans that loves complaining, even about trivial things,
but complaining about change, complaining about everything. But ultimately, I think on net,
on every measure, things are getting better. Life is getting better. Oh, life is getting better,
but I don’t know necessarily that tracks people’s happiness, right? I mean, I would argue that maybe,
who knows? I don’t know this, but I wouldn’t be surprised if people in hunter-gatherer societies
are happier. I mean, I wouldn’t be surprised if they’re happier than people who have access to
modern medicine and email and cell phones. Well, I don’t think there’s a question whether you
take hunter-gatherer folks and put them into modern day and give them enough time to adapt.
They would be much happier. The question is, in terms of every single problem they’ve had,
is not solved. There’s not food. There is guaranteed survival shelter and all this kind
of stuff. So, well, you’re asking is a deeper sort of biological question. Do we want to be,
we’re in a Herzog movie, a happy people, life in the taiga. Do we want to be busy 100% of our time
hunting, gathering, surviving, worried about the next day, maybe that constant struggle ultimately
creates a more fulfilling life? I don’t know, but I do know this modern society allows us
to, when we’re sick, to find medicine, to find cures. When we’re hungry to get food,
much more than we did even 100 years ago. And there’s many more activities that you could
perform or create of all these kinds of stuff that enables the flourishing of humans at the
individual level. Whether that leads to happiness, I mean, that’s a very deep philosophical question.
Maybe struggle, deep struggle is necessary for happiness.
Or maybe cultural connection. Maybe it’s about functioning in social groups that are meaningful
and having time. But I do think there is an interesting memory-related thing, which is that
if you look at things like reinforcement learning, for instance, you’re not learning necessarily
every time you get a reward. If it’s the same reward, you’re not learning that much. You mainly
learn if deviates from your expectation of what you’re supposed to get. It’s like you get a paycheck
every month from MIT or whatever. You probably don’t even get excited about it when you get the
paycheck. But if they cut your salary, you’re going to be pissed. And if they increase your salary,
oh, good, I got a bonus. And that adaptation and that ability that basically you learn to expect
these things, I think, is a major source of, I guess, it’s a major way in which we’re kind of
more, in my opinion, wired to strive and not be happy to be in a state of wanting. And so people
talk about dopamine, for instance, being this pleasure chemical. And it’s like there’s a lot
of compelling research to suggest it’s not about pleasure at all. It’s about the discomfort that
energizes you to get things, to seek a reward. And so you could give an animal that’s been deprived
of dopamine a reward and, oh, yeah, enjoy it. It’s pretty good. But they’re not going to do anything
to get it. And just one of the weird things in our research is I got into curiosity from a postdoc
in my lab, Matthias Gruber. And one of the things that we found is when we gave people a question,
like a trivia question that they wanted the answer to, that question, the more curious people were
about the answer, the more activity in these dopamine-related circuits in the brain we would see.
And again, that was not driven by the answer, per se, but by the question. So it was not about
getting the information. It was about the drive to seek the information. But it depends on how
you take that. If you get this uncomfortable gap between what you know and what you want to know,
you could either use that to motivate you and energize you, or you could use it to say,
I don’t want to hear about this. This disagrees with my beliefs. I’m going to go back to my echo
chamber. I like what you said that maybe were designed to be in a constant state of wanting,
which, by the way, is a pretty good either band name or rock song name, state of wanting.
That’s like a hardcore band name. Yeah, yeah, yeah. It’s pretty good.
I also like the hedonic treadmill. Hedonic treadmill is pretty good.
Yeah, yeah. We could use that for our techno project, I think.
You mean the one we’re starting? Yeah, exactly.
Okay, great. We’re going on tour soon. This is our announcement.
We could build a false memory of a show, in fact, if you want. Let’s just put it all together.
We don’t even have to do all the work to play the show. We can just create a memory of it.
It might as well happen because the remembering self is in charge anyway.
So let me ask you about, we talked about false memories, but in the legal system,
false confessions, I remember reading 1984 where, sorry for the dark turn of our conversation, but
through torture, you can make people say anything and essentially remember anything.
I wonder towards degree, there’s like truth to that. If you look at
the torture that happened in the Soviet Union, for confessions, all that kind of stuff,
how much can you really get people to really, yeah, to force false memories, I guess.
Yeah, I mean, I think there’s a lot of history of this actually in the criminal justice system.
You might have heard the term the third degree. If you actually look it up, historically,
it was a very intense set of beatings and starvation and physical demands that they would
place at people to get them to talk. There’s certainly a lot of work that’s been done by the
CIA in terms of interrogation techniques. And from what I understand, the research actually
shows that they just produce what people want to hear, not necessarily the information that
is being looked for. And the reason is that, I mean, there’s different reasons. I mean,
one is people just get tired of being tortured and just say whatever. But another part of it is that
you create a very interesting set of conditions where there’s an authority figure telling you
something that you did this, we know you did this, we have witnesses saying you did this.
So now you start to question yourself. Then they put you under stress. Maybe they’re not
feeding you. Maybe they’re kind of like making you be cold or exposing you to music that you
can’t stand or something, whatever it is, right? It’s like they’re creating this physical stress.
And so stress starts to act on, starts to down-regulate the prefrontal cortex. You’re not
necessarily as good at monitoring the accuracy of stuff. Then they start to get nice to you and
they say, imagine, okay, I know you don’t remember this, but maybe we can walk you through how it
could have happened and they feed you the information. And so you’re in this weakened mental
state and you’re being encouraged to imagine things by people who give you a plausible scenario.
And at some point, certain people can be very coaxed into creating a memory for something that
never happened. And there’s actually some pretty convincing cases out there where you don’t know
exactly the truth. There’s a sheriff, for instance, who came to believe that he had a false memory,
I mean, that he had a memory of doing sexual abuse based on, you know, essentially, I think it was,
you know, I’m not going to tell the story because I don’t remember it well enough to
necessarily accurately give it to you. But people could look this stuff up. There are definitely
stories out there like this where people confess to crimes that they just didn’t do when objective
evidence came out later on. But there’s a basic recipe for it, which is you feed people the
information that you want them to remember. You stress them out, you have an authority figure,
kind of like pushing this information on them, or you motivate them to produce the information
you’re looking for. And that pretty much over time gives you what you want.
It’s really tragic that centralized power can use these kinds of tools to destroy lives, sad.
Since there’s a theme about music throughout this conversation,
one of the best topics for songs is heartbreak, love in general, but heartbreak.
Why and how do we remember and forget heartbreak, asking for a friend?
Oh, God, that’s so hard to asking for a friend of that.
It’s such a hard one. Well, so, I mean, part of this is we tend to go back to particular
times that are the more emotionally intense periods. And so that’s a part of it. And again,
memory is designed to kind of capture these things that are biologically significant. And
attachment is a big part of biological significance for humans, right? Human relationships
are super important. And sometimes that heartbreak comes with massive changes in your beliefs about
somebody, say if they cheated on you or something like that, or regrets, and you kind of ruminate
about things that you’ve done wrong. There’s really so many reasons though, but I mean,
I’ve had this, my first pet I had was, we got it for a wedding present as a cat and got it after,
like, but it died of FIP when it was four years old. And I just would see her everywhere around
the house. We got another cat that we got a dog, dog eventually died of cancer, and the cat just
died recently. And, you know, so we got a new dog because I kept seeing the dog around and I was
just so heartbroken about this. But I still remember the pets that died, it just comes back to you.
I mean, it’s part of this, I think there’s also something about attachment that’s just so crucial
that drives, again, these things that we want to remember and that gives us that longing sometimes.
Sometimes it’s also not just about the heartbreak, but about the positive aspects of it, right?
Because the loss comes from not only the fact that the relationship is over, but you had all
of these good things before that you can now see in a new light, right? And so part of one of the
things that I found from my clinical background that really I think gave me a different perspective
on memory is so much of the therapy process was guided towards reframing and getting people to
look at the past in a different way, not by imposing, changing people’s memories or not
by imposing an interpretation, but just offering a different perspective and maybe one that’s kind
of more optimized towards learning and, you know, an appreciation maybe or gratitude, whatever it is,
right? That gives you a way of taking, I think you said it in the beginning, right? Where you
can have this kind of like dark experiences and you can use it as training data to, you know,
grow in new ways. But it’s hard. This, I often go back to this moment, this show, Louis,
with Louis C.K., where he’s all heartbroken about a breakup with a woman he loves and
an older gentleman tells him that that’s actually the best part, that heartbreak,
because you get to intensely experience how valuable this love was. He says the worst part
is forgetting it is actually when you get over the heartbreak. That’s the worst part. So I sometimes
think about that because, you know, having the love and losing it, like the losing it is when you
sometimes feel it the deepest, which is an interesting way to celebrate the past and relive it.
It sucks that you don’t have a thing, but when you don’t have a thing, it’s a
good moment to viscerally experience the memories of something that you now appreciate even more.
So you don’t believe that an owner of a lonely heart is much better than an owner of a broken heart?
You think an owner of a broken heart is better than the owner of a lonely heart?
Yes, for sure. I think so. I think so. But I’m gonna have to, day by day,
I don’t know, I’m gonna have to listen to some more Bruce Springsteen to figure that one out.
Well, you know, it’s funny because it’s like after I turned 50, I think of death all the time.
Like, I just think that, you know, I’m in like, I have fewer, probably a fewer years ahead of me
than I have behind me, right? So I think about one thing, which is what are the memories that
I want to carry with me for the next period of time? And also about, like, just the fact that
everything around me could be, you know, I know more people who are, you know, dying for various
reasons. And so, I’m not lots, I’m not that old, right? But, you know, it’s something I think about
a lot. And I’m reminded of, like, how I talked to somebody who’s like, you know, who’s a Buddhist.
And I was like, you know, the whole idea of Buddhism is renouncing attachments.
Someway, the idea of Buddhism is like staying out of the world of memory and staying in the moment,
right? And they talked about, you know, it’s like, how do you, how do you renounce attachments to the
people that you love, right? And they’re just saying, well, I appreciate that I have this moment
with them. And knowing that they will die makes me appreciate this moment that much more. I mean,
you said something similar, right? And your daily routine that you think about things this way,
right? Yeah, I meditate on mortality every day. But I don’t know, at the same time,
that really makes you appreciate the moment and live in the moment. And I also appreciate the full
deep roller coaster of suffering involved in life, the little and the big two. So, I don’t know.
The Buddhist kind of removing yourself from the world or the stoic removing yourself from the
world, the world of emotion. I’m torn about that one. I’m not sure.
Well, you know, this is where Hinduism and Buddhism or at least some strains of Hinduism
and Buddhism differ. And Hinduism, like if you read the Bhagavad Gita, the philosophy is not one
of renouncing the world because the idea is that not doing something is no different than doing
something, right? So, what they argue, and again, you could interpret it in different ways, positive
and negative. But the argument is that you don’t want to renounce action, but you want to renounce
the fruits of the action. You don’t do it because of the outcome, you do it because of the process.
Because the process is part of the balance of the world that you’re trying to preserve, right?
And of course, you could take that different ways. But I really think about that from time to time
in terms of letting go of this idea of does this book sell or trying to impress you and get you
laugh at my jokes or whatever, and just be more like I’m sharing this information with you and
getting to know you or whatever it is. But it’s hard, right? Because we’re so driven by the
reinforcer of the outcome. You’re just part of the process of telling the joke and if I laugh or not,
that’s up to the universe to decide. Yep, it’s my Dharma.
How does studying memory affect your understanding of the nature of time? So, we’ve been talking
about us living in the present and making decisions about the future, standing on the
foundation of these memories and there it is about the memories that we’ve constructed.
So, it feels like it does weird things to time. Yeah, and the reason is, is that in some sense,
I think, especially the farther we go back, I mean, there’s all sorts of interesting things
that happen. So, your sense of like, if I ask you how different does one hour ago feel from two hours
ago, you’d probably say pretty different. But if I ask you, okay, go back one year ago versus one
year and one hour ago, it’s the same difference in time. It won’t feel very different, right? So,
there’s this kind of compression that happens as you look back farther in time. So, it’s kind of
like why when you’re older, the difference between somebody who’s like 50 and 45 doesn’t seem as big
as the difference between like 10 and 5 or something, right? When you’re 10 years old,
everything seems like it’s a long period of time. Here’s the point is that, you know, so one of the
interesting things that I found when I was working on the book, actually, was during the pandemic,
I just decided to ask people in my class when we were doing the remote instruction. So,
one of the things I did was I’d pull people. And so, I just asked people, do you feel like the
days are moving by slower or faster or about the same? Almost everyone in the class said that
the days were moving by slower. So, then I would say, okay, so, do you feel like the weeks are
passing by slower, faster or the same? And the majority of them said that the weeks were passing
by faster. So, according to the laws of physics, I don’t think that makes any sense, right?
But according to memory, it did because what happened was people were doing the same thing
over and over in the same context. And without that change in context, their feeling was that
they were in one long monotonous event. And so, but then, at the end of the week, you look back
at that week and you say, well, what happened? No memories of what happened. So, it must,
the week just went by without even my noticing it. But that week went by during the same amount
of time as an eventful week where you might have been going out and hanging out with friends on
vacation or whatever, right? It’s just that nothing happened because you’re doing the
same thing over and over. So, I feel like memory really shapes our sense of time. But it does so
in part because context is so important for memory. Well, that compression you mentioned,
it’s an interesting process. Because what I think about when I was like 12 or 15,
I just fundamentally feel like the same person. It’s interesting what that compression does.
It makes me feel like it’s all, we’re all connected, not just amongst humans and spatially, but
in terms, back in time, there’s a kind of eternal nature, like the timelessness, I guess,
to life. That could be also a genetic thing just for me. I don’t know if everyone agrees
to this view of time, but to me, it all feels the same. Like you don’t feel the passage of time?
No, I feel the passage of time in the same way that your students did from day to day.
There’s certain markers that let you know that time has passed, you celebrate birthdays and so on.
But the core of who I am and who others I know are or events, that compression of my understanding
of the world removes time, because time is not useful for the compression. The details of that
time, at least for me, is not useful to understanding the core of the thing. Maybe what it is is that
you really like to see connections between things. This is really what motivates me in science,
actually, too. But it’s like when you start recalling the past and seeing the connections
between the past and present, now you have this kind of web of interconnected memories.
I can imagine, in that sense, there is this kind of the present is with you.
But what’s interesting about what you said, too, that struck me is that your 16-year-old self was
probably very complex. And by the way, I’m the same way, but it’s like it really is the source of a
lot of darkness for me. But when you can look back at, let’s say you hear a song that you used
to play before you would go do a sports thing or something like that, and you might not think of
yourself as an athlete, but once you get back to that, you mentally time travel to that particular
thing, you open up this little compartment of yourself that wasn’t there before, right, that
didn’t seem accessible for them. Dan Schachter’s lab did this really cool study where they would
ask people to either remember doing something altruistic or imagine doing something altruistic.
And that act made them more likely to want to do things for other people. So that
active mental time travel can change who you are in the present. And we tend to think of,
this goes back to that illusion of stability, and we tend to think of
memory in this very deterministic way that I am who I am because I have this past. But we have a
very multifaceted past and can access different parts of it and change in the moment based on
whatever part we want to reach for, right? How does nostalgia connect into this? Like this
desire and pleasure associated with going back? Yeah. So my friend Felipe de Bregard
wrote this and it just like blew my mind where the word nostalgia was coined by a Swiss physician
who was actually studying traumatized soldiers. And so he described nostalgia as a disease.
And the idea was it was bringing these people extraordinary unhappiness because they were
remembering how things used to be. And I think it’s very complex. So as people get older,
for instance, nostalgia can be an enormous source of happiness, right? And being nostalgic can
improve people’s moods in the moment. But it just depends on what they do with it because what you
can sometimes see is nostalgia has the opposite effect of thinking those were the good old days
and those days are over, right? It’s like America used to be so great and now it sucks. Or you know,
my life used to be so great when I was a kid and now it’s not, right? And you’re selectively
remembering the things that we don’t realize how selective our remembering self is. And so,
you know, I lived through the 70s, it sucked. Partly it sucked more for me, but I would say that
even otherwise, it’s like there’s all sorts of problems going on. Gas lines, people were like,
you know, worried about like Russia, nuclear war, blah, blah, blah. So I mean, it’s just this idea
that people have about the past can be very useful if it brings you happiness in the present. But
if it narrows your worldview in the present, you’re not aware of those biases that you have.
You will end up, you can end up, it can be toxic, right? Either at a personal level
or at a collective level. Let me ask you both a practical question and an out there question.
So let’s start with a more practical one. What are your thoughts about BCIs, brain computer
interfaces and the work that’s going on with Neuralink? We talked about electrodes and different
ways of measuring the brain. And here, Neuralink is working on basically two-way communication
with the brain. And the more out there question would be like, where does this go? But more
practically in the near term, what do you think about Neuralink? Yeah, I mean, I can’t say specifics
about the company because I haven’t studied it that much. But I mean, I think there’s two parts of
it. So one is they’re developing some really interesting technology. I think with these like
surgical robots and things like that. BCI though has like a whole lot of innovation going on.
I’m not necessarily seeing any scientific evidence from Neuralink. And maybe that’s just
I’m not looking for it, but I’m not seeing the evidence that they’re anywhere near where the
scientific community is. And there’s lots of startups that are doing incredibly innovative
stuff. One of my colleagues, Sergei Siviski, is just like a genius in this area. And they’re working
on it. I think speech prosthetics like that are incorporating, you know, decoding techniques with
AI and movement prosthetics. The rate of progress is just enormous. So part of the technology is
having good enough data and understanding which data to use and what to do with it, right? And then
the other part of it then is the algorithms for decoding it and so forth. And I think part of
that has really resulted in some real breakthroughs in neuroscience as a result. So there’s lots of
new technologies like NeuroPixels, for instance, that allow you to harvest
activity from many, many neurons from a single electrode. I know Neuralink has some technologies
that are also along these lines. But I even, again, because they do their own stuff, the scientific
community doesn’t see it, right? But I think BCI is much, much bigger than Neuralink. And there’s
just so much innovation happening. I think the interesting question, which we may be getting
into, is I was talking to Sergey a while ago about, you know, so a lot of language is not
just what we hear and what we speak, but also our intentions and our internal models. And,
you know, so are you really going to be able to restore language without dealing with that
part of it? And he brought up a really interesting question, which is the ethics of reading out
people’s intentions and understanding of the world as opposed to the more, you know, the more
concrete parts of hearing and producing movements, right? Just so we’re clear, because you said a
few interesting things. When you say, when we talk about language and BCI is what we mean is
getting signal from the brain and generating the language, say you’re not able to actually speak,
it’s as a kind of linguistic prosthetic, or it’s able to speak for you
exactly what you wanted to say. And then the deeper question is, well,
saying something isn’t just the letters, the words you’re saying, it’s also the intention
behind it, the feeling behind all that kind of stuff. And is it ethical to reveal that full
shebang, the full context of what’s going on in our brain? That’s really, that’s really interesting.
That’s really interesting. I mean, our thoughts. Is it ethical for anyone to have access to our
thoughts? Because right now the resolution is so low that we’re okay with it, even doing studies
and all this kind of stuff. But if neuroscience has a few breakthroughs to where you can start
to map out the QR codes for different thoughts, for different kinds of thoughts,
maybe political thoughts, the McCarthyism, what if I’m getting a lot of them communist thoughts,
or however we want to categorize or label it. That’s interesting. That’s really interesting.
I think ultimately there’s always the more transparency there is about the human mind,
the better it is. But there could be always intermediate battles with how much control
does a centralized entity have, like a government and so on. What is the regulation? What are the
rules? What’s legal and illegal? If you talk about the police whose job is to
track down criminals and so on, and you look at all the history, how the police could abuse its
power to control the citizenry, all that kind of stuff. So people are always paranoid and rightfully
so. It’s fascinating. It’s really fascinating. We talk about freedom of speech, freedom of thought,
which is also a very important liberty at the core of this country and probably humanity
starts to get awfully tricky when you start to be able to collect those thoughts.
But what I wanted to actually ask you is, do you think for fun and for practical purposes
we would be able to modify memories? So how difficult is it? How far away we are from
understanding the different parts of the brains, everything we’ve been talking about,
in order to figure out how could we adjust this memory at the crude level from
unpleasant to pleasant? You talked about we can remember the mall and the people,
like the location of the people. Can we keep the people and change the place,
like this kind of stuff? How difficult is that? Well, I mean, in some sense, we know we can do it
just behaviorally, right? Behaviorally, yes. I can just tell you, under certain conditions,
anyway, it can give you the misinformation and then you can change the people and places and so
forth, right? On the crude level, there’s a lot of work that’s being done on a phenomenon called
reconciliation, which is the idea that essentially when I recall a memory, what happens is that the
connections between the neurons and that cell assembly that give you the memory are going to be
more modifiable. And so some people have used techniques to try to, like, for instance, with
fear memories to reduce that physical visceral component of the memory when it’s being activated.
Right now, I think I’ve, as an outsider looking at the data, I think it’s like mixed results.
And part of it is, and this speaks to the more complex issue, is that you don’t need somebody
to actually fully recall that traumatic memory in the first place. And in order to actually
modify it, then what is the memory? That is the key part of the problem. So if we go back to
reading people’s thoughts, what is the thought? I mean, people can sometimes look at this like
behaviorist and go, well, the memory is like, I’ve given you A and you produce B. But I think that’s
a very bankrupt concept about memory. I think it’s much more complicated than that. And, you know,
one of the things that when we started studying naturalistic memory, like memory from movies,
that was so hard was we had to change the way we did the studies. Because if I show you a movie,
and I show, and I watch the same movie, and you recall everything that happened, and I recall
everything that happened, we might take a different amount of time to do it, we might use different
words. And yet to an outside observer, we might have recalled the same thing, right? So it’s not
about the words necessarily. And it’s not about how long we spent or whatever, there’s something
deeper that is there. That’s this idea. But it’s like, how do you understand that thought? I encounter
a lot of concrete thinking that it’s like, if I show a model, like, you know, the visual
information that a person sees when they drive, I can basically reverse engineer driving. Well,
that’s not really how it works. I once saw a talk by somebody, or I saw somebody talking in this
discussion of between neuroscientists and AI people. And he was saying that the problem with
self-driving cars that they had in cities, as opposed to highways, was that the car was okay at,
you know, doing the things it’s supposed to. But when there are pedestrians around, it couldn’t
predict the intentions of people. And so that unpredictability of people was the problem that
they were having in, you know, the self-driving car design, because it didn’t have a good enough
internal model of what the people were, you know, what they were doing, what they wanted.
Now, what do you think about that? Well, I spent a huge amount of time
watching pedestrians, thinking about pedestrians, thinking about what it takes to solve the problem of
measuring, detecting the intention of a pedestrian, really of a human being in this particular context
of having to cross the street. And it’s fascinating. I think it’s a window into
how complex social systems are that involve humans. Because, you know, I would just stand there and
watch intersections for hours. And when you start to figure out is every single intersection has
its own personality. So like, there’s a history to that intersection, like jaywalking certain
intersections allow jaywalking a lot more. Because what happens is, we’re leaders and followers.
So there’s a regular, let’s say, and they get off the subway and they start crossing on red light,
and they do this every single day. And then there’s people that don’t show up to the intersection
often, and they’re looking for cues of how we’re supposed to behave here. And if a few people start
to jaywalk and cross on red light, they will also, they will follow. And there’s just a dynamic to
that intersection. There’s a spirit to it. And if you look at Boston versus New York,
versus a rural town versus even Boston, San Francisco or here in Austin, there’s different
personalities citywide, but there’s different personalities area at region wide. And there’s
different personalities, different intersections. And it’s just fascinating for a car to be able
to determine that is tricky. Now, what machine learning systems are able to do well is collect
a huge amount of data. So for us, it’s tricky because we get to understand the world with very
limited information and make decisions grounded in this big foundation model that we’ve built of
understanding how humans work. AI could literally, in the context of driving, this is where I’ve
often been really torn in both directions. If you just collect a huge amount of data,
all of that information and then compress it into a representation of how humans cross streets,
it’s probably all there. In the same way that you have a Noam Chomsky who says,
no, no, no, AI can’t talk, can’t write length convincing language without understanding
language. And, you know, more and more, you see large language models without quote unquote
understanding can generate very convincing language. But I think with the process of
compression from a huge amount of data compressing into a representation is doing is in fact,
understanding deeply in order to be able to generate one letter at a time, one word at a time,
you have to understand the cruelty of Nazi Germany and the beauty of sending humans to space.
And like, you have to understand all of that in order to generate like, I’m going to the kitchen
to get an apple and do that graphically correctly. You have to have a world model that includes all
of human behavior. You think an LLM is building that world model? It has to in order to be good
at generating one word at a time and convincing sentence. And in the same way, I think AI that
drives a car, if it has enough data, will be able to form a world model that will be able to predict
correctly what that pedestrian does. But when we as humans are watching pedestrians, we slowly
realize, damn, this is really complicated. In fact, when you start to self reflect on driving,
you realize driving is really complicated. There’s like subtle cues we take about like,
just a million things I could say, but like one of them determining who around you is an asshole,
aggressive driver. Yeah, I was just thinking about this. Yeah, or like, you can read it. Once you
get become a great driver, you can see it a mile away. This guy is going to pull an asshole move
in front of you. Exactly. He’s like way back there, but you know it’s going to happen. And
I don’t know what, because we’re ignoring all the other cars. But for some reason, the asshole,
like a red, like, like a glowing, obvious symbol is just like right there, even in the periphery
vision, because we’re again, we’re usually when we’re driving just looking forward, but we’re like
using the periphery vision to figure stuff out. And it’s like a little puzzle that we’re usually
only allocating a small amount of our attention to, at least a cognitive attention to. And it’s
fascinating, but I think AI just has a fundamentally different suite of sensors in terms of the bandwidth
of data that’s coming in that allows you to form the representation that perform inference on the
representation you form using the representation you form. That for the case of driving, I think it
could be quite effective. But one of the things that’s currently missing, even though OpenAI just
recently announced adding memory. And I did want to ask you, like, how important it is,
how difficult is it to add some of the memory mechanisms that you’ve seen in humans to AI systems?
I would say superficially not that hard, but then in a deeper level, very, very hard, because we
don’t understand episodic memory. So one of the ideas I talked about in the book is one of the oldest
kind of dilemmas in computational neuroscience is what Steve Grossberg called the stability
plasticity dilemma. When do you say something is new and overwrite your preexisting knowledge
versus going with what you had before and making incremental changes? And so, you know, part of
the problem with going through like massive, you know, I mean, part of the problem of things like
if you’re trying to design an LLM or something like that is especially for English, there’s so many
exceptions to the rules, right? And so if you want to rapidly learn the exceptions, you’re going to
lose the rules. And if you want to keep the rules, you have a harder time learning the exception.
And so David Maro is one of the early pioneers in computational neuroscience. And then
Jay McClelland and my colleague, Randy O’Reilly, some other people like Neil Cohen, all these people
started to come up with the idea that maybe that’s part of what we need and what the human brain
is doing is we have this kind of a, actually a fairly dumb system, which just says this happened
once at this point in time, which we call episodic memory, so to speak. And then we have this knowledge
that we’ve accumulated from our experiences as semantic memory. So now, when we want to,
we encounter a situation that’s surprising and violates all our previous expectations,
what happens is that now we can form an episodic memory here. And the next time we’re in a similar
situation, boom, we could supplement our knowledge with this information from episodic memory and
reason about what the right thing to do is, right? So it gives us this enormous amount of flexibility
to stop on a dime and change without having to erase everything we’ve already learned.
And that solution is incredibly powerful because it gives you the ability to learn from so much
less information really, right? And it gives you that flexibility. So one of the things I think
that makes humans great is having both episodic and semantic memory. Now, can you build something
like that? I mean, computational neuroscience people would say, well, yeah, you just record
a moment and you just get it and you’re done, right? But when do you record that moment? How
much do you record? What’s the information you prioritize and what’s the information you don’t?
These are the hard questions. When do you use episodic memory? When do you just throw it away?
And these are the hard questions we’re still trying to figure out in people.
And then you start to think about all these mechanisms that we have in the brain for figuring
out some of these things. And it’s not just one, but many of them that are interacting with each
other. And then you just take not only the episodic and the semantic, but then you start to take the
motivational survival things, right? It’s just like the fight or flight responses that we associate
with particular things are the kind of reward motivation that we associate with certain things
so forth. And those things are absent from AI. I frankly don’t know if we want it. I don’t
necessarily want a self-motivated LLM, right? And then there’s the problem of how do you even
build the motivations that should guide a proper reinforcement learning kind of thing,
for instance. So a friend of mine, Sam Gershman, I might be missing the quote exactly,
but he basically said, “If I wanted to train a typical AI model to make me as much money as
possible, the first thing I might do is sell my house.” So it’s not even just about having one
goal or one objective, but just having all these competing goals and objectives, right? And then
things start to get really complicated. It’s all interconnected. I mean, just even the thing you’ve
mentioned is the moment. If we record a moment, it’s difficult to express concretely what a moment is,
like how deeply connected it is to the entirety of it. Maybe to record a moment, you have to
make a universal scratch. You have to include everything. You have to include all the emotions
involved, all the context, all the things that built around it, all the social connections,
all the visual experiences, all the sensory experience, all of that, all the history that
came before that moment is built on. And we somehow take all of that and we compress it
and keep the useful parts and then integrate it into the whole thing, into our whole narrative.
And then each individual has their own little version of that narrative. And then we collide
in the social way and we adjust it and we evolve. Yeah. Yeah. I mean, well, even if we want to go
super simple, right? Like Tyler Ronan, who’s a postdoc who’s collaborating with me, he actually
studied a lot of computer vision at Stanford. And so one of the things he was interested in
is some people who have brain damage in areas of the brain that were thought to be important for
memory. But they also seem to have some perception problems with particular kinds of object
perception. And this is super controversial. And some people found this effect, some didn’t.
And he went back to computer vision and he said, let’s take the best state-of-the-art computer
vision models and let’s give them the same kinds of perception tests that we were giving to these
people. And then he would find the images where the computer vision models would just struggle.
And you would find that they just didn’t do well. Even if you add more parameters, you add more layers
on and on and on, it doesn’t help, right? The architecture didn’t matter. It was just there.
The problem. And then he found those were the exact ones where these humans with particular
damage to this area called the periorinal cortex, that was where they were struggling.
So somehow this brain area was important for being able to do these things that were adversarial to
these computer vision models. So then he found that it only happened if people had enough time
they could make those discriminations. But without enough time, if they just get a glance,
they’re just like the computer vision models. So then what he started to say was, maybe let’s
look at people’s eyes, right? So a computer vision model sees every pixel all at once, right?
It’s not, you know, and we don’t, we never see every pixel all at once. Even if I’m looking at a
screen with pixels, I’m not seeing every pixel at once. I’m grabbing little points on the screen by
moving my eyes around and getting a very high resolution picture of what I’m focusing on and
kind of a lower resolution information about everything else. But I’m not necessarily choosing,
but I’m directing that exploration and allowing people to move their eyes and integrate that
information gave them something that the computer vision models weren’t able to do.
So somehow integrating information across time and getting less information at each step gave
you more out of the process. I mean, the process of allocating attention across time seems to be
a really important process. Even the breakthroughs that you get with machine learning mostly has
to do, attention is all you need. It’s about attention, transform is about attention. So
attention is a really interesting one. But then like, yeah, how you allocate that attention
again is like, is at the core of like, what it means to be intelligent, what it means to process
the world, integrate all the important things, discard all the unimportant things.
Attention is at the core of it. It’s probably at the core of memory too.
Because there’s so much sensor information, there’s so much going on, so much going on,
to filter it down to almost nothing and just keep those parts and to keep those parts. And then
whenever there’s an error to adjust the model such that you can allocate attention even better to
new things that would result, maybe maximize the chance of confirming the model or disconfirming
the model that you have and adjusting it since then. Yeah, attention is a weird one. I was
always fascinated. I mean, I got a chance to study peripheral vision for a bit and indirectly study
attention through that. And it’s just fascinating how good humans are looking around and gathering
information. Yeah, at the same time, people are terrible at detecting changes that can happen
in the environment if they’re not attending in the right way, if their predictive model is too
strong. So you have these weird things where the machines can do better than the people.
So this is the thing is people go, “Oh, the machines can do this stuff that’s just like humans.”
It’s like, well, the machines make different kinds of mistakes than the people do. And I will never
be convinced unless that we’ve replicated human. I don’t even like the term intelligence,
because I think it’s a stupid concept. But it’s like, I don’t think we’ve replicated human
intelligence unless I know that the simulator is making exactly the same kinds of mistakes that
people do. Because people make characteristic mistakes. They have characteristic biases,
they have characteristic heuristics that we use. And those have yet to see evidence that
chat GPT will do that. Since we’re talking about attention, is there an interesting connection
to you between ADHD and memory? Well, it’s interesting for me, because when I was a child,
I was actually told my school, I don’t know if it came from a school psychologist, they did do
some testing on me, I know for like IQ and stuff like that. Or if it just came from teachers who
hated me, but they told my parents that I had ADHD. And so this was of course in the ’70s. So
basically, they said he has poor motor control and he’s got ADHD. And there were social issues.
So I could have been put a year ahead in school, but then they said, oh, but he doesn’t have the
social capabilities. So I still ended up being an outcast even in my own grade. But
but then like, so then my parents said, okay, well, they got me on a diet free of artificial
colors and flavors, because that was the thing that people talked about back then. So I’m interested
this topic because I’ve come to appreciate now that I have many of the characteristics, if not,
you know, full blown. It’s like, I’m definitely time blindness, rejection sense. If you name it,
they talk about it. It’s like, impulsive behavior, I could tell you about all sorts of fights I’ve
gotten into in the past. Just you name it. But yeah, so ADHD is fascinating, though, because
right now we’re seeing like, more and more diagnosis of it. And I don’t know what to say about that.
I don’t know how much of that is based on kind of inappropriate expectations, especially for
children. And how much of that is based on true kind of like maladaptive kinds of tendencies.
But what we do know is this is that ADHD is associated with differences in prefrontal
function, so that attention can be both more, you’re more distractible, you have harder time
focusing your attention on what’s relevant. And so you shift too easily. But then once you get on
something that you’re interested in, you can get stuck. And so, you know, the attention is this
beautiful balance of being able to focus when you need to focus and shift when you need to shift.
And so it’s that flexibility plus stability again. And that’s balance seems to be disrupted in ADHD.
And so as a result, memory tends to be poor in ADHD. But it’s not necessarily because there’s a
traditional memory problem. But it’s more because of this attentional issue, right? And so people
with ADHD often will have great memory for the things that they’re interested in. And just no
memory for the things that they’re not interested in. Is there advice from your own life on how to
learn and succeed from that? From just how the characteristics of your own brain with ADHD and
so on? How do you learn? How do you remember information? How do you flourish in this sort
of education context? I’m still trying to figure out the flourishing per se. But education, I mean,
being in science is enormously enabling of ADHD. It’s like, you’re constantly looking for new things,
you’re constantly seeking that dope of being hit. And that’s great, you know, and they tolerate,
you’re being late for things. Nothing is really, nobody’s going to die if you screw up. It’s nice.
It’s not like being a doctor or something where you have to be like, much more responsible and
focused, that you can just freely follow your curiosity, which is just great. But what I’d
say is that, like, I’m learning now about so many things like about how to structure my activities
more and basically say, okay, if I’m going to be emails like the big one that kills me right now,
I’m just constantly like shifting between email and my activities. And what happens is that I
don’t actually get the email. I just look at my email and I get stressed because I’m like,
oh, I have to think about this. Let me get back to it. And I go back to something else. And so
I’ve just got fragmentary memories of everything, right? So what I’m trying to do is set aside a
timer like this is my email time. This is my, you know, writing time. This is my goofing off time.
And so blocking these things off, you give yourself the goofing off time. Sometimes I do that.
And sometimes I have to be flexible, like, okay, I’m definitely not focusing. I’m going to give
myself the downtime and it’s an investment. It’s not like wasting time. It’s an investment
in my attention later on. And I’m very much with Cal Newport on this. He wrote deep work and a lot
of other amazing books. He talks about tasks switching as a sort of the thing that really
destroys productivity. So like, you know, switching, it doesn’t even matter from what to what, but
checking social media, checking email, maybe switching to a phone call and then doing work
and switching, even switching between, if you’re reading a paper, switching from paper to paper
to paper, because like curiosity and whatever the dopamine hit from the attention switch,
like limiting that because otherwise your brain is just not capable to really like load it in,
really do that deep deliberation. I think that’s required to remember things and to really think
through things. Yeah, I mean, you probably see this, I imagine, in AI conferences, but definitely in
neuroscience conferences, it’s now the norm that people have their laptops out during talks.
And, you know, conceivably, they’re writing, you know, they’re writing notes. But in fact,
what often happens if you look at people, we can speak from a little bit of personal experience,
is you’re checking email and you’re like, or I’m working on my own talk, but often it’s like,
you’re doing things that are not paying attention. And I have this illusion, well,
I’m paying attention and then I’m going back. And then what happens is I don’t remember anything
from that day. It just kind of vanished because what happens is I’m creating all these artificial
event boundaries. I’m losing all this executive function. Every time I switch, I’m getting like
a few seconds slower and I’m catching up mentally to what’s happening. And so instead of being in
a model where you’re meaningfully integrating everything and predicting and generating this
kind of like rich model, I’m just catching up, you know. And so, yeah, there’s great research
by Melina Unkafer and Anthony Wagner on multitasking and people can look up that talks about just how
bad it is for memory and, you know, it’s becoming worse and worse of a problem.
So, you’re a musician. Take me through how’d you get into music? Like what made you first
fall in love with music? With creating music? Yeah, so I started playing music just when I was
like doing trumpet in school for a school band and I would just read music and play and, you know,
it was pretty decent at it, not great, but I was decent.
How’d you go from trumpet to guitar, especially the kind of music you’re into?
Yeah, so basically in high school, yeah, so I kind of was a late bloomer to music, but just
kind of MTV grew up with me. I grew up with MTV. And so then you started seeing all this stuff and
then I got into metal was kind of like my early genre. And I always reacted to just things that
were loud and had a beat like ADHD, right? Like, you know, everything from Sergeant Pepper’s by
the Beatles to like Led Zeppelin II, my dad had both, my parents had both those albums,
so I’d listened to them a lot. And then like the police ghosted in the machine and, but then I
got into metal, Def Leppard and, you know, AC/DC Metallica went way down the rabbit hole of speed
metal. And that time was kind of like, “Oh, why don’t I play guitar? I can do this.” And I had
friends who were doing that. And I just never got it. Like I took lessons and stuff like that.
But it was different because when I was doing trumpet, I was reading sheet music. And this was
like, I was learning by looking, there’s a thing called tablature, you know, this where it’s like,
you see like a drawing of the fretboard with numbers. And that’s where you’re supposed to put
your, it’s kind of like paint by numbers, right? And so I learned it in a completely different way,
but I was still terrible at it. And I didn’t get it. It’s actually taken me a long time to
understand exactly what the issue was. But it wasn’t until I really got into punk, and I saw
bands like, I saw Sonic Youth, I remember especially, and it just blew my mind. Because
they violated the rules of what I thought music was supposed to be. I was like,
this doesn’t sound right. These are not power chords. And this isn’t just have like a
shouty verse and then a chorus part. It’s not going back. This is just like weird. And then it
occurred to me, you don’t have to write music the way it’s people tell you it’s supposed to sound.
I just opened up everything for me. And I was playing in a band and I was struggling with writing
music because I would try to write like, you know, whatever was popular at the time and or
whatever sounded like other bands that I was listening to. And somehow I kind of morphed
into just like, just grabbing a guitar and just doing stuff. And I realized a part of my problem
with doing music before was I didn’t enjoy trying to play stuff that other people play. I just enjoyed
music just dripping out of me and just, you know, spilling out and just doing stuff.
And so then I started to say, what if I don’t play a chord? What if I just play like notes that
shouldn’t go together and just mess around with stuff? And I said, well, what if I don’t do four
beats go na na na na, one, two, three, four, one, two, three, four, one, two, three, four, whatever
I go, one, two, three, four, five, one, two, three, four, five, and sort of mess around time
signatures. Then I was playing in this band with a great musician who was really
Brent Ritzel, who was in this band with me. And he taught me about arranging songs. And it was
like, what if we take this part and instead of make it go like back and forth, we make it like a
circle? Or what if we make it like a straight line, you know, or zigzag, you know, just make it like
nonlinear in these interesting ways. And then next, you know, it’s like the whole world sort of
opens up as like the, and then what I started to realize, especially so you could appreciate this
as a musician, I think. So time signatures, right? So we are so brainwashed to think in four-four,
right? Every rock song you could think of almost is in four-four. I know you’re a Floyd fan,
so think of “Money” by Pink Floyd, right? You feel like it’s in four-four because it resolves
itself, but it resolves on the last note of the, basically it resolves on the first note of the
next measure. So it’s got seven beats instead of eight where the riff is actually happening.
Interesting. But you’re thinking in four, because that’s how we use, we’re used to thinking. So
the music flows a little bit faster than it’s supposed to, and you’re getting a little bit
of prediction error every time this is happening. And once I got used to that, I was like, I hate
writing in four-four because I was like, everything just feels better if I do it in seven-four,
if I alternate between four and three and doing all this stuff. And then it’s like, you just,
jazz music is like that. They just do so much interesting stuff with this.
So playing with those time signatures allows you to really break it all open and just,
I guess there’s something about that that allows you to actually have fun.
Yeah, yeah. And it’s like, so I’m actually like a very, one of the genres we used to play
in was math rock. That’s what they called it. It was just like, this is so many weird time
signatures. What is math? Oh, interesting. Yeah. So that’s the math part of rock is what,
the mathematical disturbances of it or what? Yeah. I guess it would be like, so instead of,
you might go like, instead of playing four beats in every measure, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no,
no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no.
You know what? Just do these things. And then you might arrange it in weird ways so that there
might be three measures of verse and then one, you know, and then five measures, of course,
and then two measures. So you could just mess around with everything, right?
What does that feel like to listen to? There’s, there’s something about symmetry or like patterns
that feel good and like relaxing for us or whatever. It feels like home and disturbing that can be
quite disturbing. Yeah. So is that, is that the feeling you would have if you
math rock? I mean, yeah, yeah. That’s stressing me out. Just listen.
Learning about it. So, I mean, it depends. So a lot of my style of songwriting is very much like,
in terms of like repetitive themes, but messing around with structure, because I’m not a great
guitarist technically. And so I don’t play complicated stuff. And there’s things you can
hear stuff where it’s just like so complicated, you know. But often what I find is, is like having
a melody or, and then adding some dissonance to it, just enough. And then adding some complexity
that gets, gets you going just enough. But I have a high tolerance for, for that kind of dissonance
and prediction. I think I have a theory, a pet theory that it’s like, basically you could explain
most of human behavior as some people are lumpers and some people are splitters, you know. And so
it’s like some people are very kind of excited when they get this dissonance and they want to like go
with it. So people are just like, no, I want to lump everything. You know, I don’t know, maybe
that’s even a different thing. But it’s like, basically, it’s like, I think some people get
scared of that discomfort. And I really drive on it. You know, I love it. What’s, what’s the name
of your band now? The cover band I play in is a band called Pavlov’s Dogs. And so it’s a band,
unsurprisingly, of mostly memory researchers, neuroscientists. I love this. I love this so
much. Yeah, actually, one of your MIT colleagues, Earl Miller, plays bass.
Plays bass. Do you play a rhythm or a leader? You could compete if you want. Maybe we could
audition you. For audition? Oh, yeah. I’m coming for you, Earl. Earl is going to kill me.
He’s like very precise though. I’ll play Triangle or something.
Or where’s the cowbell? I’ll be the cowbell guy. What kind of songs do you guys do?
So it’s mostly late 70s punk and 80s new wave and post punk. Blondie, Ramones, Clash. I do,
I sing Age of Consent by New Order and Loveville Terrace.
And you said you have a female singer now?
Yeah, Carrie Hoppin and also Paula Crox. So Carrie does Blondie amazingly well.
And we do Gigantic by the Pixies. Paula does that one.
Which song do you love to play the most? What kind of song is super fun for you?
Of someone else’s?
Yeah, Cover. And it’s one we do with Pavlov’s Dogs.
I really enjoy playing I Want to Be Your Dog by Iggy and the Stooges.
That’s a good song.
Which is perfect because we’re Pavlov’s Dogs. And Pavlov, of course, was basically
created learning theory. So there’s that. But also, it’s like, but I mean, Iggy and the Stooges,
that song, so I play and sing on it, but it’s just like it devolves into total noise. And I
just fall on the floor and generate feedback. I think in the last version, it might have been
that or a Velvet Underground cover in our last show, I actually, I have a guitar made of aluminum
that I got made. And I thought this thing’s indestructible. So I kind of like was just,
moving it around, had it upside down and all this stuff to generate feedback.
And I think I broke one of the, I broke one of the tuning pegs.
I’ve had to break it all metal guitar. Go figure.
A bit of a big ridiculous question. But let me ask you, we’ve been talking about
neuroscience in general. What do you, you’ve been studying the human mind for a long time.
What do you love most about the human mind? Like when you look at it, we look at the fMRI,
just the scans and the behavioral stuff, the electrodes, you know, the psychology aspect,
reading the literature on the biology side, neurobiology, all of it. When you look at it,
what, what is most like beautiful to you? I think the most beautiful, but
incredibly hard to put your finger on is this idea of the internal model. That it’s like,
there’s everything you see and there’s everything you hear and touch and taste, you know, every
breath you take, whatever. But it’s all connected by this like dark energy that’s holding that whole
universe of your mind together, right? And without that, it’s just a bunch of stuff.
And somehow we put that together and it forms our, so much of our experience and being able
to figure out where that comes from and how things are connected to me is just amazing.
But just this idea of like the world in front of us, we’re only sampling this little bit and
trying to take so much meaning from it. And we do a really good job, not perfect. I mean, you know,
but that ability to me is just amazing. Yeah, it’s an incredible mystery, all of it. It’s fun.
You said dark energy because the same in astrophysics, you look out there, look at dark matter and
dark energy, which is this loose term, a scientific thing we don’t understand, which makes out,
which helps make the equations work in terms of gravity and the expansion of the universe
in the same way. It seems like there’s that kind of thing in the human mind that we’re like
striving to understand. Yeah, yeah. You know, it’s funny that you mentioned that. So one of the
reasons I wrote the book amongst many is that I really felt like people needed to hear from scientists
and like COVID was just a great example of this because like people weren’t hearing from scientists.
One of the things I think that people didn’t get was the uncertainty of science and how much we
don’t know. And I think every scientist lives in this world of uncertainty. And when I was
writing the book, I just became aware of all of these things we don’t know. And so I think of
physics a lot. And I think of this idea of like overwhelming majority of the stuff that’s in our
universe cannot be directly measured. I used to think, “Ha ha, I hate physics.” So physicists get
the Nobel Prize for doing whatever stupid thing. It’s like there’s 10 physicists out there. I’m
just kidding. Strong words. Yeah. No, no, no. I’m kidding. The physicists who do neuroscience
could be rather opinionated. So sometimes I like to dish on that. It’s all love. It’s all love. That’s
right. This is the ADHD talking. But at some point, I had this aha moment where I was like,
to be aware of that much that we don’t know and have a beat on it and be able to go towards it,
that’s one of the biggest scientific successes that I could think of.
You are aware that you don’t know about this gigantic section, overwhelming majority of the
universe, right? And I think the more what keeps me going to some extent is realizing the changing
the scope of the problem and figuring out, “Oh my God, there’s all these things we don’t know.”
And I thought I knew this because science is all about assumptions, right? So have you
read the structure of Scientific Revolutions by Thomas Kuhn? Yes. That’s like my only philosophy
really that I’ve read. But it’s so brilliant in the way that they frame this idea of like,
he frames this idea of assumptions being core to the scientific process and the paradigm shift
comes from changing those assumptions. And this idea of like finding out this kind of whole zone
of what you don’t know to me is the exciting part. Well, you are a great scientist and you wrote an
incredible book. So thank you for doing that. And thank you for talking today. You’ve decreased
the amount of uncertainty I have just a tiny little bit today and revealed the beauty of memory.
This is a fascinating conversation. Thank you for talking today. Oh, thank you. It’s been
blast. Thanks for listening to this conversation with Sharon Ranganath. To support this podcast,
please check out our sponsors in the description. And now let me leave you with some words from
Haruki Murakami. Most things are forgotten over time. Even the word itself, the life and death
struggle people went through is now like something from the distant past. We’re so caught up in our
everyday lives that events of the past are no longer in orbit around our minds. There are just
too many things we have to think about every day, too many new things we have to learn. But still,
no matter how much time passes, no matter what takes place in the interim, there are some things
we can never assign to oblivion, memories we can never rub away. They remain with us forever,
like a touchstone. Thank you for listening. I hope to see you next time.
[Music]

Charan Ranganath is a psychologist and neuroscientist at UC Davis, specializing in human memory. He is the author of a new book titled Why We Remember. Please support this podcast by checking out our sponsors:
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Transcript: https://lexfridman.com/charan-ranganath-transcript

EPISODE LINKS:
Charan’s X: https://x.com/CharanRanganath
Charan’s Instagram: https://instagram.com/thememorydoc
Charan’s Website: https://charanranganath.com
Why We Remember (book): https://amzn.to/3WzUF6x
Charan’s Google Scholar: https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=ptWkt1wAAAAJ
Dynamic Memory Lab: https://dml.ucdavis.edu/

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OUTLINE:
Here’s the timestamps for the episode. On some podcast players you should be able to click the timestamp to jump to that time.
(00:00) – Introduction
(10:18) – Experiencing self vs remembering self
(23:59) – Creating memories
(33:31) – Why we forget
(41:08) – Training memory
(51:37) – Memory hacks
(1:03:26) – Imagination vs memory
(1:12:44) – Memory competitions
(1:22:33) – Science of memory
(1:37:48) – Discoveries
(1:48:52) – Deja vu
(1:54:09) – False memories
(2:14:14) – False confessions
(2:18:00) – Heartbreak
(2:25:34) – Nature of time
(2:33:15) – Brain–computer interface (BCI)
(2:47:19) – AI and memory
(2:57:33) – ADHD
(3:04:30) – Music
(3:14:15) – Human mind

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